Context-Aware Prediction of Derivational Word-forms

Derivational morphology is a fundamental and complex characteristic of language. In this paper we propose the new task of predicting the derivational form of a given base-form lemma that is appropriate for a given context. We present an encoder--decoder style neural network to produce a derived form character-by-character, based on its corresponding character-level representation of the base form and the context. We demonstrate that our model is able to generate valid context-sensitive derivations from known base forms, but is less accurate under a lexicon agnostic setting

The semantics of the native greek verb suffixes / Chariton Charitonidis

The aim of this paper is to give the semantic profile of the Greek verb-deriving suffixes -íz(o), -én(o), -év(o), -ón(o), -(i)áz(o), and -ín(o), with a special account of the ending -áo/-ó. The patterns presented are the result of an empirical analysis of data extracted from extended interviews conducted with 28 native Greek speakers in Athens, Greece in February 2009. In the first interview task the test persons were asked to force(=create) verbs by using the suffixes -ízo, -évo, -óno, -(i)ázo, and -íno and a variety of bases which conformed to the ontological distinctions made in Lieber (2004). In the second task the test persons were asked to evaluate three groups of forced verbs with a noun, an adjective, and an adverb, respectively, by using one (best/highly acceptable verb) to six (worst/unacceptable verb) points. In the third task nineteen established verb pairs with different suffixes and the ending -áo/-ó were presented. The test persons were asked to report whether there was some difference between them and what exactly this difference was. The differences reported were transformed into 16 alternations. In the fourth task 21 established verbs with different suffixes were presented. The test persons were asked to give the "opposite" or "near opposite" expression for each verb. The rationale behind this task was to arrive at the meaning of the suffixes through the semantics of the opposites. In the analysis Rochelle's Lieber's (2004) theoretical framework is used. The results of the analysis suggest (i) a sign-based treatment of affixes, (ii) a vertical preference structure in the semantic structure of the head suffixes which takes into account the semantic make-up of the bases, and (iii) the integration of socioexpressive meaning into verb structures

The linguistics of gender

This chapter explores grammatical gender as a linguistic phenomenon. First, I define gender in terms of agreement, and look at the parts of speech that can take gender agreement. Because it relates to assumptions underlying much psycholinguistic gender research, I also examine the reasons why gender systems are thought to emerge, change, and disappear. Then, I describe the gender system of Dutch. The frequent confusion about the number of genders in Dutch will be resolved by looking at the history of the system, and the role of pronominal reference therein. In addition, I report on three lexical- statistical analyses of the distribution of genders in the language. After having dealt with Dutch, I look at whether the genders of Dutch and other languages are more or less randomly assigned, or whether there is some system to it. In contrast to what many people think, regularities do indeed exist. Native speakers could in principle exploit such regularities to compute rather than memorize gender, at least in part. Although this should be taken into account as a possibility, I will also argue that it is by no means a necessary implication

Approach for Highly Dependable Software-Intensive Systems

Author-contributed print itemhe objectives of the proposal are creating new methods and tools for effective constructing software-intensive systems based on multiple perspectives that are used to reflect differing stakeholder's concerns. The models and methods will incorporate rapid prototyping, explicit architecting and consistent engineering techniques into a synthesis approach for highly dependable software-intensive systems (HDSIS)

Derivation without lexical rules

In Krieger and Nerbonne (1992) we showed how to get rid of LEXICAL RULES for DERIVATION, as they are explicated by Pollard and Sag (1987) in HPSG I, Ch. 8.2. We proposed a treatment of derivation not by means of traditional lexical rules but instead in terms of PRINCIPLES, RULES, and LEXICAL ENTRIES entirely in the spirit of HPSG, together with unification-based inheritance of a very sophisticated kind. One major disadvantage of this approach was the employment of complex functions in certain principles. In this paper I first extend the old approach and then show how to eliminate these functional dependencies in the domain of derivational morphology by going back to simpler ones like cons, first, and rest. But this simplification is only achieved if we assume more complex feature structures than the ones described in Krieger and Nerbonne (e.g., by introducing two different SUBCAT features) and by proposing modified versions of the old Constituent Order Principle and the Subcategorization Principle for morphology. In addition, I postulate a hierarchy of affixes which is cross-classified, for instance, according to the effects these affixes contribute to the subcategorization information of a compound word. The structure of the paper is as follows. We start with a very short introduction about the residence of word-formation rules in modern feature-based theories. After that we present our approach to derivational morphology which is distinguished in that it gives up the notion of lexical rule as a single entity (operator). We describe the structure of affixes and words (e.g., which attributes are appropriate?) and introduce the relevant principles and the rule schema of our approach to derivational morphology. The section shows how to reduce functional dependencies to a minimum at the cost of the size of our feature structures. We also present a technique which allows us to state relational dependencies as they are called by HPSG in a functional manner. In the next section we show how the whole treatment works by applying it to tough phenomena from prefixation and suffixation. The section presents many examples, which might serve as a how to guide to a practitioner. After that we explain the idea which will lead us to the affix hierarchy. We will see that the affix hierarchy is inspired by the work of HPSG on structured lexicons (i.e., by the hierarchy of lexical types). A lot of examples will again be given throughout this section. We finish the paper by summarizing our approach and by saying a few words about the topics which we will tackle next

Merge over move and the Extended Projection Principle: MOM and the EPP Revisited

A class of proposals are examined that aim to avoid problems that arise in various instantiations of the ‘Merge over Move’ (MOM) cost-ofoperation distinction. It is concluded that while the mechanisms introduced there exhibit independently interesting features, they subtract substantially from the interest of the MOM economy of derivation explanations. The removal of an assumption will then be considered that makes the core cases involving there-constructions a problem to begin with: that non-finite T must host a specifier position (checking an EPP/D-feature). Denying the existence of such features removes the problem that the MOM distinction was introduced to solve, allowing the core cases of associate-movement vs. expletive-insertion to arise as a case of true optionality. Consequences for other phenomena are examined and the proposal is found to be consistent with much recent research investigating these phenomena.En este trabajo se examina una serie de propuestas destinadas a evitar problemas relacionados con varios casos de la distinción Ensamble sobre Movimiento (EsM) tomando como base el coste de la operación. Se concluye que mientras que los mecanismos introducidos en estas propuestas muestran rasgos que pueden ser interesantes de manera independiente, estos mismos se apartan sustancialmente del interés de las explicaciones derivacionales del marco EsM, basado en la economía. Será entonces cuando se considerará la eliminación de una asunción que convierta los casos básicos que implican construcciones-there en un problema con el que empezar: que el T no-finito ha de contener una posición de especificador (para cotejar un rasgo PPE/D). Negar la existencia de dichos rasgos elimina el problema para el que la distinción EsM se introdujo, permitiendo que los casos esenciales de movimiento del asociado frente a la inserción directa del expletivo se conviertan en un caso de verdadera opcionalidad. Se examinan consecuencias para otros fenómenos y se concluye que la propuesta es compatible con gran parte de las investigaciones recientes que estudian estos fenómenos.É analisada uma classe de propostas que procuram evitar problemas que emergem em v{rias instanciações da distinção de ‘Merge sobre Move’ (MOM). Conclui-se que, enquanto os mecanismos aí introduzidos exibem independentemente propriedades interessantes, eles subtraem substancialmente ao interesse das explicações da economia de derivação de MOM. A remoção de uma assunção será assim considerada, aquela que faz com que os casos centrais envolvendo construções com there constituam um problema: T não-finito deve abrigar uma posição Spec (satisfazendo uma propriedade do PPE/D). Negar a existência de tais propriedades remove o problema que a distinção MOM procurou resolver, permitindo aos casos centrais de movimento-associado vs inserção de expletivo emergir como um caso de verdadeira opcionalidade. São analisadas consequências para outros fenómenos e a proposta demonstra ser consistente com muita da investigação recente sobre os fenómenos