The New York Convention and Saudi Arabia: Can a Country Use the Public Policy Defense to Refuse Enforcement of Non-Domestic Arbitral Awards?

This Note examines whether Saudi Arabia\u27s adoption of the New York Convention will advance the successful use of international arbitration by non-Saudi Arabian investors. Part I provides a background of the New York Convention, its purpose, and its historical application in the United States and the Middle Eastern countries of Kuwait and Syria. Part II examines the conflict between the Saudi Arabian legal system and Saudi Arabia\u27s adoption of the New York Convention. Part III argues that Article V(2)(b) of the New York Convention allows a country with a unique legal system, such as Saudi Arabia, to give the appearance of embracing the international community, while permitting that country to reject arbitral awards that are contrary to its public policy. Part III also recommends possible modifications to Article V(2)(b) in order to prevent countries from refusing to enforce non-domestic arbitral awards. This Note concludes that the modification of Article V(2)(b) will prevent the circumvention of the New York Convention\u27s objectives and promote a uniform set of rules governing non-domestic arbitral awards

An analytical and descriptive comparison of international communication systems in the United States and the Soviet Union as adapted for use in Saudi Arabia.

The study also includes an historical analysis of the domestic development of the mass media within the Kingdom. This information is required since any development of an international communication system will be based on existing domestic capabilities and technologies with appropriate expansion. In addition, there is a review of the structure of the Ministry of Information, a survey of the international communication department, and a review of the activities of the Higher Council of Information.This study is designed to provide an analysis of the international communication goals, techniques, and effectiveness of the United States and the Soviet Union and to create a plan to permit the Saudi Arabian government either to develop new techniques or improve existing ones in its international communication system. The Saudi Arabian government, which has been in power since 1932, has directed political, economic, and social choices to ensure the country's evolution from an under-developed nation into a modern one in a careful, measured combination of capital-intensive and labor-intensive strategies for planned change. As a result, the Kingdom has emerged from a nation struggling to catch up with the developments of the Twentieth Century into a major world power, capable of utilizing the most advanced forms of technology to meet the needs of its people.To illustrate the need for a Saudi Arabian international communication system, the study reviews the weaknesses of the Kingdom's current efforts and proposes a workable plan for establishing an international communication agency, including policies and goals, an adaptation of strategies and techniques from the United States and the Soviet Union, suggested organization and structure, personnel requirements, and examples of international outreach efforts.Based on the Kingdom's history and its existing capabilities, it seems logical that the next phase of Saudi Arabian development probably should include continued use of technology to establish a sophisticated communication system to interpret the nation's foreign policy, cultural and religious heritage, social traditions, economic development, and political stability to the rest of the world.However, since there is little precedent for international outreach effort in the Kingdom, a comparison of the approaches of the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, provided strategies and techniques which could be adapted for use in Saudi Arabia

Incorporating the Delphi Technique to investigate renewable energy technology transfer in Saudi Arabia

Saudi Arabia is a major oil-producing nation facing a rapidly-growing population, high unemployment, climate change, and the depletion of its natural resources, potentially including its oil supply. Technology transfer is regarded as a means to diversify countries\u27 economies beyond their natural resources. This dissertation examined the opportunities and barriers to utilizing technology transfer successfully to build renewable energy resources in Saudi Arabia to diversify the economy beyond oil production. Examples of other developing countries that have successfully used technology transfer to transform their economies are explored, including Japan, Malayasia, and the United Arab Emirates. Brazil is presented as a detailed case study to illustrate its transition to an economy based to a much greater degree than before on renewable energy. Following a pilot study, the Delphi Method was used in this research to gather the opinions of a panel of technology transfer experts consisting of 10 heterogeneous members of different institutions in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, including aviation, telecommunication, oil industry, education, health systems, and military and governmental organizations. In three rounds of questioning, the experts identified Education, Dependence on Oil, and Manpower as the 3 most significant factors influencing the potential for success of renewable energy technology transfer for Saudi Arabia. Political factors were also rated toward the Very Important end of a Likert scale and were discussed as they impact Education, Oil Dependence, and Manpower. The experts\u27 opinions are presented and interpreted. They form the basis for recommended future research and discussion of how in light of its political system and its dependence on oil, Saudi Arabia can realistically move forward on renewable energy technology transfer and secure its economic future

Measuring The Role of The State in Protecting Indonesian Migrant Workers in Saudi Arabia

The issue of Employment and Unemployment is a problem that is still a scourge for third-world countries. Labour is a factor that influences the improvement of a country's economy, but on the other hand, an increase in labour can become a problem for the country's economy. As always happens in every cooperative relationship between countries in the international scope, be it bilateral or multilateral, where each country has its own interests, it is possible for obstacles such as differences of opinion and even conflicts to occur. In this case, as happened in the bilateral relations between Indonesia and Saudi Arabia in the field of Manpower, although so far the relations between the two countries have been quite good in almost all sectors, with the problems that have arisen in the last few years, especially in the issue of Placement and Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers In Saudi Arabia, the relationship between the two countries in the field of labour is slightly disturbed. Saudi Arabia is currently focused on meeting the 2030 vision where there will be many developments and projects in various sectors that require a lot of workers from all over the world, including Indonesia

A Study on the Role of Universities in Saudi Arabia in Empowering Women Educationally

Saudi Arabia is a fantastic example of the blending of culture and religion. This study will look at the ideological underpinnings, historical background, and current status of Saudi Arabia's government policies on women's education. In addition, the paper will discuss how these policies have changed over time. This research looks at how religious and cultural norms in Saudi Arabia have influenced women's access to university education. It emphasizes the golden age of higher education for women. It exemplifies the significance of education, and more specifically higher education, in fulfilling a variety of roles in the career development of Saudi women while maintaining gender norms, social norms, and moral values. In order to better understand how Saudi Arabian women and society interact with their level of education, this paper will conduct a literature review. A range of aspects, such as Islamic thought in Saudi society, education and the status of women in Saudi society, and a contrast between the Qur'an and Saudi society, will be taken into consideration during this investigation. This paper will also go over Saudi women's educational accomplishments and the role of universities in Saudi Arabia in maintaining their decorum in all sphere of life and empowering them

The impact of foreign relations between Sub-Saharan Africa and the Arab Golf states on African migrants in the region

Bereits 1991 vertrat Ali Mazrui die These, dass das Rote Meer nicht dazu geeignet sei, Afrika von Arabien zu trennen. Denn beide waren durch Sprachen, Religionen (insbesondere den Islam) und Identitäten sowohl in der Sahara als auch im Roten Meer in einer historischen Verschmelzung von Arabismus und afrikanischer Identität untrennbar miteinander verwoben. Deren Trennung sei eng verbunden mit einem allgemeineren Trend, gemäß dem die weiße Welt ihre Reihen schloss und ein System der globalen Apartheid schuf. Die historischen Ursprünge der Kluft zwischen Afrika und dem Nahen Osten, d. h. die durch die Ideologie der europäischen Aufklärung und den frühen kolonialen Expansionismus geschaffene Sicht auf das Rote Meer und die Sahara als Rassen- und Zivilisationsgrenzen, wurden durch postkoloniale autoritäre Regime und Rivalitäten im Kalten Krieg sowie durch nationalistische Strömungen in Afrika, dem Nahen Osten und Nordafrika verstärkt. Saudi-Arabien und die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate betrachteten das Horn von Afrika zunehmend als ihre „westliche Sicherheitsflanke“. Sie waren sich einig in dem Wunsch, den wachsenden Einfluss der Türkei, Irans und Katars in diesem Teil der Welt zu verhindern. Diese Rivalitäten am Golf bildeten die Grundlage für die wachsende wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit mit SSA sowie für militärische Unterstützungs- und Sicherheitsallianzen, insbesondere am Horn von Afrika. Saudi-Arabien und die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, die zusammen zu den größten Golfinvestoren in Afrika geworden sind, konkurrieren miteinander, insbesondere mit Katar, das in den meisten SSA-Ländern Botschaften eingerichtet hat. Zudem waren staatliche und nichtstaatliche Akteure aus dem Nahen Osten und Nordafrika in den 2010er Jahren eng an der Destabilisierung der Sahelzone beteiligt, unter anderem durch die Bereitstellung militärischer, geheimdienstlicher und ideologischer Unterstützung für SSA-Staaten und Terrorgruppen. Andererseits wurden die Golfstaaten zunehmend abhängig von Wanderarbeitskräften und der stetigen Zunahme der Migration aus SSA in diese Länder, verstärkt durch den massiven Zustrom aus afrikanischen Migranten-Entsendeländern angesichts der Einschränkungen afrikanischer Migration nach Europa. Bereits ab dem siebten Jahrhundert n. Chr. stützte sich Arabien stark auf den Sklavenhandel und die Bereitstellung von Arbeitskräften aus SSA, begründet mit der Philosophie, dass es legitim sei, schwarze Menschen zu versklaven, weil sie nicht besser als Tiere seien. In dieser Zeit wurde Schwarzafrika zum größten Sklavendepot der islamischen Welt. Bis heute gibt es im Nahen Osten bedeutende afrikanische Migranten- und Diasporagemeinschaften. Ihre Anwesenheit hat zeitweise dazu beigetragen, seit langem bestehende abwertende Ansichten und Einstellungen gegenüber Afrika und seinen Völkern aufrechtzuerhalten. Diese Einstellungen, die auf einer arabisch-zentrierten sozialen Hierarchie basieren und eine Verachtung gegenüber afrikanischen Kulturen zum Ausdruck bringen, sind bis heute vorherrschend und prägen die sozialen Beziehungen zwischen Arbeitgebern und afrikanischen Migranten in den Emiraten der Arabischen Halbinsel.As early as 1991, Ali Mazrui argued that the Red Sea was not suitable for separating Africa from Arabia. For the two were inextricably intertwined through languages, religions (particularly Islam) and identities in both the Sahara and the Red Sea in a historical fusion of Arabism and African identity. Their separation was closely linked to a broader trend in which the white world closed ranks and created a system of global apartheid. The historical origins of the Africa-Middle East divide, i.e. the views of the Red Sea and the Sahara as racial and civilizational boundaries created by European Enlightenment ideology and early colonial expansionism were reinforced by postcolonial authoritarian regimes and Cold War rivalries, as well as by nationalist currents in Africa, the Middle East and North Africa. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates increasingly viewed the Horn of Africa as their ‘Western security flank’. They were united in their desire to prevent the growing influence of Turkey, Iran and Qatar in this part of the world. These Gulf rivalries formed the basis for growing economic cooperation with SSA as well as military support and security alliances, particularly in the Horn of Africa. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which together have become the largest Gulf investors in Africa, compete with each other, particularly with Qatar, which has established embassies in most SSA countries. In addition, state and non-state actors from the Middle East and North Africa were closely involved in the destabilization of the Sahel in the 2010s by providing military, intelligence and ideological support to SSA states and terrorist groups. On the other hand, the Gulf States became increasingly dependent on migrant labour and the steady increase in migration from SSA to these countries, reinforced by the massive influx from African migrant-sending countries given the restrictions on African migration to Europe. As early as the seventh century AD, Arabia had relied heavily on the slave trade and the supply of labour from SSA, founded on the philosophy that it was legitimate to enslave black people because they were no better than animals. During this time, Black Africa became the largest slave depot in the Islamic world. To this day, there are significant African migrant and diaspora communities in the Middle East. Their presence has at times helped to perpetuate long-standing derogatory views and attitudes towards Africa and its peoples. These attitudes, based on an Arab-centric social hierarchy and expressing contempt for African cultures, remain prevalent today and shape social relationships between employers and African migrants in the emirates of the Arabian Peninsula.Dès 1991, Ali Mazrui affirmait que la mer Rouge n'était pas adaptée pour séparer l'Afrique de l'Arabie. Car les deux étaient inextricablement liés à travers les langues, les religions (en particulier l’Islam) et les identités du Sahara et de la mer Rouge dans une fusion historique de l'arabisme et de l’identité africaine. Leur séparation est étroitement liée à une tendance plus large dans laquelle le monde blanc a resserré ses rangs et créé un système d'apartheid mondial. Les origines historiques de la fracture Afrique-Moyen-Orient, à savoir H. Les visions de la mer Rouge et du Sahara comme frontières raciales et civilisationnelles créées par l’idéologie européenne des Lumières et les premiers expansionnismes coloniaux ont été renforcées par les régimes autoritaires postcoloniaux et les rivalités de la guerre froide, ainsi que par les courants nationalistes en Afrique, au Moyen-Orient et en Afrique du Nord. L'Arabie saoudite et les Émirats arabes unis considèrent de plus en plus la Corne de l'Afrique comme leur "flanc de sécurité occidental". Ils étaient unis dans leur désir d'empêcher l'influence croissante de la Turquie, de l'Iran et du Qatar dans cette partie du monde. Ces rivalités du Golfe ont constitué la base d'une coopération économique croissante avec l'ASS ainsi que d'alliances de soutien militaire et de sécurité, en particulier dans la Corne de l'Afrique. L'Arabie saoudite et les Émirats arabes unis, qui sont devenus ensemble les plus grands investisseurs du Golfe en Afrique, se font concurrence, notamment avec le Qatar, qui a établi des ambassades dans la plupart des pays d'ASS. En outre, des acteurs étatiques et non étatiques du Moyen-Orient et d'Afrique du Nord ont été étroitement impliqués dans la déstabilisation du Sahel dans les années 2010, notamment en fournissant un soutien militaire, de renseignement et idéologique aux États d'ASS et aux groupes terroristes. D’un autre côté, les États du Golfe sont devenus de plus en plus dépendants de la main-d'œuvre migrante et de l'augmentation constante de la migration de l'ASS vers ces pays, renforcée par l'afflux massif de pays africains d'origine des migrants compte tenu des restrictions imposées à la migration africaine vers l'Europe. Dès le VIIe siècle après J.-C., l'Arabie s'appuyait fortement sur la traite des esclaves et sur l'offre de main-d'œuvre en provenance d’ASS, fondée sur la philosophie selon laquelle il était légitime d'asservir les Noirs parce qu’ils ne valaient pas mieux que des animaux. Durant cette période, l'Afrique noire est devenue le plus grand dépôt d'esclaves du monde islamique. À ce jour, il existe d’importantes communautés de migrants et de diasporas africaines au Moyen-Orient. Leur présence a parfois contribué à perpétuer des opinions et des attitudes désobligeantes de longue date à l’égard de l'Afrique et de ses peuples. Ces attitudes, fondées sur une hiérarchie sociale arabo-centrée et exprimant le mépris des cultures africaines, restent répandues aujourd’hui et façonnent les relations sociales entre employeurs et migrants africains dans les émirats de la péninsule arabique

SAUDI ARABIA’S INTERNAL CHANGES AND ITS FOREIGN POLICIES IN RESPONDING THE ARAB SPRING

Saudi Arabia's involvement in the Middle East’s internal political problems for instance by supporting the Egyptian government under As-Sisi after the military coup against president Morsi and covertly supporting opposition groups can be understood as an attempt to prevent the Arab Springs from inducing political changes. Attempts were made to prevent outside influences from getting into Saudi Arabia by supporting new regimes friendly to the Saudis. In addition, Saudi Arabia has implemented many reforms to reduce the demand for political participation. The methods used were historical and qualitative research. The results show that Saudi Arabia was intentionally involved in the internal affairs of its neighboring countries and implemented internal reforms to prevent any effects of the Arab Springs in Saudi Arabia

Digital Citizenship And Mental And Physical Well-Being Of Saudi Citizens

Background: The escalating integration of technology and digital platforms in the lives of individuals raises pertinent concerns regarding its impact on mental and physical well-being. This study aims to explore the association between Digital Citizenship and the well-being of Saudi citizens, considering the multifaceted dimensions of digital behavior and their potential consequences. Method: Employing a cross-sectional descriptive research design, data was collected from a diverse sample of 400 healthcare workers in the Jizan Region, KSA. The Digital Citizenship Scale was utilized to assess online behaviors, while the Short Form 12 (SF-12) Questionnaire gauged mental and physical well-being. Descriptive statistics, Pearson Correlation, t-tests, and ANOVA were employed for data analysis. Results: The findings revealed a significant correlation between various facets of digital citizenship and mental and physical well-being. Responsible digital behaviors, such as online etiquette and security consciousness, correlated positively with enhanced well-being. Conversely, exposure to cyberbullying and security breaches was associated with lower well-being scores. Conclusion: The study underscores the vital role of responsible digital citizenship in shaping the mental and physical well-being of Saudi citizens. Promoting awareness and education regarding digital behaviors can contribute to a healthier online environment. Policymakers, educators, and healthcare professionals are encouraged to collaborate in integrating digital citizenship education and initiatives to safeguard the well-being of individuals in the digital age

An examination of the Saudi Arabian citizens’ perception on leisure tourism’s impact on culture in Saudi Arabia

This dissertation aims to understand the perception of Saudi Arabian citizens on the impact of leisure tourism on culture in the country. Given that Saudi Arabia is the second most popular tourist destination in the Middle East, with more than 16 million visitors in 2017, and that the leisure tourism industry is rapidly expanding, it is important to examine the impact of this growing industry on the local culture. This study is significant as it provides valuable insights into the perceptions of Saudi Arabian citizens on the impact of leisure tourism on their culture and ways it may shape their future. It also highlights the potential for the leisure tourism sector to contribute to the country’s economy as an alternative source of revenue. The study used a quantitative research approach and collected data through a questionnaire survey of 98 Saudi Arabian citizen participants from both the general population and the tourism industry professionals. The results were analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences with regression and correlation analysis. It was concluded that there is no significant relationship between leisure tourism’s impact on culture in Saudi Arabia. The study also found that leisure tourism has the potential to contribute significantly to the country\u27s economy, especially in light of the declining oil industry. However, there is a need for sustainable tourism practices that take into account the preservation of cultural heritage and the protection of the environment. Overall, the study provides valuable insights into the impact of leisure tourism on culture in Saudi Arabia and highlights the need for a balanced approach that considers both the economic benefits and the preservation of cultural heritage