Enhancement and Civic Virtue

Opponents of biomedical enhancement frequently adopt what Allen Buchanan has called the “Personal Goods Assumption.” On this assumption, the benefits of biomedical enhancement will accrue primarily to those individuals who undergo enhancements, not to wider society. Buchanan has argued that biomedical enhancements might in fact have substantial social benefits by increasing productivity. We outline another way in which enhancements might benefit wider society: by augmenting civic virtue and thus improving the functioning of our political communities. We thus directly confront critics of biomedical enhancement who argue that it will lead to a loss of social cohesion and a breakdown in political lif

The virtue in youth civic participation

This paper provides a summary of our past and recent work on the questions of whether and how involvement in community service promotes civic and political development in youth. We focus not on the psychological attributes adolescents bring to service, but on the conditions which make the service experience an opportunity for discovering one\u27s relationship to ongoing value traditions toward society, its problems, and well-being. Our most recent work was centered on four specific issues. Using a quasi-experimental longitudinal design, we found that (1) school-based required service does not dampen enthusiasm in students who already favor service, whereas it generates interest in civic life in students with no prior service experience. Using a path model covering a 2-year period, we found also that (2) participation in challenging service led to a process in which contributions to a sponsoring organization eventuated in changes in the self, increased helpfulness, and ultimately to civic engagement. (3) We found further that adolescents with a clear sense of their identity chose to do challenging service which, in turn, sustained their clarity of self over a 2-year period. (4) Using a nationally representative sample of youth, we found that young adults of age 26 were more likely to have voted and to have done volunteer service when they did do service when they were in high school 8 years previously. It made no difference whether their service during high school was required or voluntary, thus, complementing the results of the first study. Our conclusion is that policy makers should not shy away from having youth participate in civic and political processes. The experience helps to frame civic identities which have lasting positive consequences. (DIPF/Orig.)Dieser Beitrag bietet einen Überblick über unsere bisherige Forschung zur Frage, ob und wie gemeinnützige Tätigkeit bürgerschaftliches und politisches Engagement bei Jugendlichen fördert. Dabei werden weniger die psychischen Dispositionen betrachtet, die Jugendliche dazu motivieren, gemeinnützige Tätigkeit aufnehmen. Vielmehr stehen die Bedingungen im Vordergrund, unter denen gemeinnützige Tätigkeit dazu beitragen kann, dass Jugendliche ihre Eingebundenheit in gesellschaftliche Prozesse entdecken. Unsere jüngere Forschung hat dabei vier Aspekte in den Mittelpunkt gerückt: (1.) Verpflichtende gemeinnützige Tätigkeit im Rahmen der High School-Zeit mindert nicht die Bereitschaft und Begeisterung Jugendlicher, sich freiwillig zu engagieren. Sie erzeugt vielmehr politisches Interesse bei Jugendlichen, die vor dem verpflichtenden Service nicht gemeinnützig tätig waren. In einer Längsschnittstudie fanden wir mittels Strukturgleichungsmodellen (2.), dass gemeinnützige Tätigkeit in direkter Interaktion mit bedürftigen Menschen in karitativen Organisationen zu einem veränderten Selbstbild, erhöhter Hilfsbereitschaft und zu politischer Sensibilisierung führt. Wir fanden (3.), dass Jugendliche mit einem konturierten Selbstbild eher herausfordernde gemeinnützige Tätigkeiten wählten, was ihrer Identitätsentwicklung nochmals förderlich war. (4.) An einem für die USA repräsentativen Jugend-Survey konnten wir zeigen, dass junge Erwachsene im Alter von 26 Jahren eher wählen gehen, wenn sie als Jugendliche gemeinnützig aktiv waren. Dies unabhängig davon, ob es sich dabei um verpflichtenden oder freiwilligen Service handelte. Unsere Schlussfolgerung ist, dass politische Entscheidungsträger gemeinnützige Tätigkeit Jugendlicher fördern sollten, weil Heranwachsenden die dabei gemachten Erfahrungen helfen, eine bürgerschaftliche Identität mit lang anhaltenden, positiven Wirkungen für die Demokratie zu entwickeln. (DIPF/Orig.

Political Theory, Political Science, And The End Of Civic Engagement

Within a span of fifteen years civic engagement has become a cottage industry in political science and political theory, but the term has now outlived its usefulness and exemplifies Giovanni Sartori\u27s worry about conceptual stretching. This article traces civic engagement\u27s ascension as a catch-all term for almost anything that citizens might happen to do together or alone, and illustrates the confusion that its popularity has occasioned. It proposes that civic engagement meet a well-deserved end, to be replaced with a more nuanced and descriptive set of engagements: political, social, and moral. It also examines the appeal of engagement itself, a term that entails both attention and energy. Attention and energy are the mainsprings of politics and most other challenging human endeavors. But they can be invested politically, or in associative pursuits, or in moral reasoning and follow-through, and those types of engagement can, but need not, coincide. We should be asking which kinds of engagement-which kinds of attention and energetic activity-make democracy work, and how they might be measured and promoted

Power as an ethical concern in the Global South’s digital transformation: Power or empowerment?

open access articleThe digitalization of the Global South, particularly with respect to African countries, is moving at a fast pace. This can be seen in the use of information and communications technology (ICT) in different domains such as healthcare, education, industry, entertainment, as well as in the provision of e-government services, to name just a few. Such digital progress is seen as positive and often presented as such in international development discussions, for example at the World Summit on the Information Society Forum 2019 on ICTs for achieving the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals. Despite the positives, there are also negative aspects of digitalization, which have to be addressed in the form of ethical concerns. This paper discusses these concerns by specifically exploring the aspect of power in light of the digital transformation of the Global South. The discussion advanced in this paper is informed by a review of literature

Emotions and Digital Well-being. The rationalistic bias of social media design in online deliberations

In this chapter we argue that emotions are mediated in an incomplete way in online social media because of the heavy reliance on textual messages which fosters a rationalistic bias and an inclination towards less nuanced emotional expressions. This incompleteness can happen either by obscuring emotions, showing less than the original intensity, misinterpreting emotions, or eliciting emotions without feedback and context. Online interactions and deliberations tend to contribute rather than overcome stalemates and informational bubbles, partially due to prevalence of anti-social emotions. It is tempting to see emotions as being the cause of the problem of online verbal aggression and bullying. However, we argue that social media are actually designed in a predominantly rationalistic way, because of the reliance on text-based communication, thereby filtering out social emotions and leaving space for easily expressed antisocial emotions. Based on research on emotions that sees these as key ingredients to moral interaction and deliberation, as well as on research on text-based versus non-verbal communication, we propose a richer understanding of emotions, requiring different designs of online deliberation platforms. We propose that such designs should move from text-centred designs and should find ways to incorporate the complete expression of the full range of human emotions so that these can play a constructive role in online deliberations

A co-original approach towards law-making in the internet age

There is an increasing interest in incorporating significant citizen participation into the law-making process by developing the use of the internet in the public sphere. However, no well-accepted e-participation model has prevailed. This article points out that, to be successful, we need critical reflection of legal theory and we also need further institutional construction based on the theoretical reflection. Contemporary dominant legal theories demonstrate too strong an internal legal point of view to empower the informal, social normative development on the internet. Regardless of whether we see the law as a body of rules or principles, the social aspect is always part of people’s background and attracts little attention. In this article, it is advocated that the procedural legal paradigm advanced by Jürgen Habermas represents an important breakthrough in this regard. Further, Habermas’s co-originality thesis reveals a neglected internal relationship between public autonomy and private autonomy. I believe the co-originality theory provides the essential basis on which a connecting infrastructure between the legal and the social could be developed. In terms of the development of the internet to include the public sphere, co-originality can also help us direct the emphasis on the formation of public opinion away from the national legislative level towards the local level; that is, the network of governance.1 This article is divided into two sections. The focus of Part One is to reconstruct the co-originality thesis (section 2, 3). This paper uses the application of discourse in the adjudication theory of Habermas as an example. It argues that Habermas would be more coherent, in terms of his insistence on real communication in his discourse theory, if he allowed his judges to initiate improved interaction with the society. This change is essential if the internal connection between public autonomy and private autonomy in the sense of court adjudication is to be truly enabled. In order to demonstrate such improved co-original relationships, the empowering character of the state-made law is instrumental in initiating the mobilization of legal intermediaries, both individual and institutional. A mutually enhanced relationship is thus formed; between the formal, official organization and its governance counterpart aided by its associated ‘local’ public sphere. Referring to Susan Sturm, the Harris v Forklift Systems Inc. (1930) decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the field of sexual harassment is used as an example. Using only one institutional example to illustrate how the co-originality thesis can be improved is not sufficient to rebuild the thesis but this is as much as can be achieved in this article. In Part Two, the paper examines, still at the institutional level, how Sturm develops an overlooked sense of impartiality, especially in the derivation of social norms; i.e. multi-partiality instead of neutral detachment (section 4). These two ideas should be combined as the criterion for impartiality to evaluate the legitimacy of the joint decision-making processes of both the formal official organization and ‘local’ public sphere. Sturm’s emphasis on the deployment of intermediaries, both institutional and individual, can also enlighten the discourse theory. Intermediaries are essential for connecting the disassociated social networks, especially when a breakdown of communication occurs due to a lack of data, information, knowledge, or disparity of value orientation, all of which can affect social networks. If intermediaries are used, further communication will not be blocked as a result of the lack of critical data, information, knowledge or misunderstandings due to disparity of value orientation or other causes. The institutional impact of the newly constructed co-originality thesis is also discussed in Part Two. Landwehr’s work on institutional design and assessment for deliberative interaction is first discussed. This article concludes with an indication of how the ‘local’ public sphere, through e-rulemaking or online dispute resolution, for example, can be constructed in light of the discussion of this article

Unlocking Latino Civic Potential 2016 and Beyond

In August 2015, the Aspen Institute Latinos and Society Program and the Aspen Institute Citizenship and American Identity Program convened a diverse group of distinguished scholars, organizers, and other experts and leaders to discuss the challenges and causes of low Latino civic participation and to develop recommendations for unlocking Latino civic potential in the United States.This is a vital topic, as the U.S. Latino population is growing rapidly, is overwhelmingly young, and thus will see growing power and influence in American society and politics, if Latinos are able to more fully realize their civic potential. Increasing Latino civic and political participation rates today will pay dividends for generations to come; likewise, missing the opportunity to do so will have consequences to the health of our democracy for generations to come.This report identifies four priority areas and tactics for unleashing the civic potential of Latinos in the United States. Focusing on immigrant integration and naturalization, voter engagement, civic education, and leadership development; the report offers a comprehensive vision for how to engage the nation's fastest growing demographic, beyond election cycles, to participate more fully in our democracy