The Effect of CIO Virtues on CIO Role Effectiveness

This paper aims to contribute to the concept of ethical CIO leadership through a distinctive focus on virtue ethics. Our research investigates the theoretical significance of CIO virtues on two CIO capabilities and their corresponding influence on the CIO’s role effectiveness in organizations. Contributions and implications of this work are discussed

CIO Leadership Characteristics and Styles

Although studies targeting CIO’s leadership characteristics are numerous, studies examining CIOs’ leadership styles are scarce. Today’s CIOs are often members of the firm’s C-level executive team with a wide range of leadership capabilities and characteristics that are not much different from those of the CEOs. What, then, are the characteristics and leadership styles for those CIOs? This literature review study attempts to answer those two questions by examining prior research on these topics. First, we examine prior literature identifying all studied characteristics and then, propose four categories to group them into meaningful sets. Second, we identify what leadership styles are used by researchers. And while the general leadership field has been evolving over the past twenty years shifting its focus and introducing new leadership styles, CIOs\u27 leadership research is still entrapped in the old school of thinking. Consequently, we intend to stimulate new thinking about studying CIOs’ characteristics and styles

Statement of David M. Silberman Before the Commission on the Future of Worker-Management Relations

Includes AIEG New Employee Handbook as appendixTestimony_Silberman_081094.pdf: 326 downloads, before Oct. 1, 2020

Riding the Wave: Uplifting Labor Organizations Through Immigration Reform

In recent years, labor unions in the United States have embraced the immigrants’ rights movement, cognizant that the very future of organized labor depends on its ability to attract immigrant workers and integrate them into union ranks. At the same time, the immigrants’ rights movement has been lauded for its successful organizing models, often drawing upon the vitality and ingenuity of immigrant-based worker centers, which themselves have emerged as alternatives to traditional labor unions. And while the labor and immigrants’ rights movements have engaged in some fruitful collaborations, their mutual support has failed to radically reshape the trajectory of either cause. In this Article, I argue that the ongoing legislative debates around immigration reform provide a unique opportunity to reimagine and revitalize traditional organized labor and to strengthen newer, immigrant-centered worker organizations. In my view, this can be accomplished by positioning unions and worker organizations as key actors in immigration processes (for both temporary and permanent immigration) and in any likely legalization initiative. Their specific roles might include sponsoring or indirectly supporting certain visa applications, facilitating the portability of employment-related visas from one employer to another, offering training opportunities to meet immigration requirements, assisting with legalization applications, leading immigrant integration initiatives, and more. Apart from the instrumental objective of attracting immigrants to the ranks of unions and worker organizations, this set of proposals will position these institutions as sites where the virtues of leadership, democratic participation, and civic engagement can be forged in new Americans. Indeed, these virtues coincide with the founding values of most U.S. labor unions; to the extent some unions have strayed from these values, the proposals provide an external imperative to reorient and rebrand unions as core civil society institutions. Moreover, immigrant worker centers have already become known for their focus on leadership development, democratic decision making, and civic education, and are therefore uniquely positioned to play this role. This convergence of utilitarian and transcendent objectives, in the current sociopolitical moment, justifies a special position for unions and worker organizations in the U.S. immigration system

Riding the Wave: Uplifting Labor Organizations Through Immigration Reform

In recent years, labor unions in the United States have embraced the immigrants’ rights movement, cognizant that the very future of organized labor depends on its ability to attract immigrant workers and integrate them into union ranks. At the same time, the immigrants’ rights movement has been lauded for its successful organizing models, often drawing upon the vitality and ingenuity of immigrant-based worker centers, which themselves have emerged as alternatives to traditional labor unions. And while the labor and immigrants’ rights movements have engaged in some fruitful collaborations, their mutual support has failed to radically reshape the trajectory of either cause. In this Article, I argue that the ongoing legislative debates around immigration reform provide a unique opportunity to reimagine and revitalize traditional organized labor and to strengthen newer, immigrant-centered worker organizations. In my view, this can be accomplished by positioning unions and worker organizations as key actors in immigration processes (for both temporary and permanent immigration) and in any likely legalization initiative. Their specific roles might include sponsoring or indirectly supporting certain visa applications, facilitating the portability of employment-related visas from one employer to another, offering training opportunities to meet immigration requirements, assisting with legalization applications, leading immigrant integration initiatives, and more. Apart from the instrumental objective of attracting immigrants to the ranks of unions and worker organizations, this set of proposals will position these institutions as sites where the virtues of leadership, democratic participation, and civic engagement can be forged in new Americans. Indeed, these virtues coincide with the founding values of most U.S. labor unions; to the extent some unions have strayed from these values, the proposals provide an external imperative to reorient and rebrand unions as core civil society institutions. Moreover, immigrant worker centers have already become known for their focus on leadership development, democratic decision making, and civic education, and are therefore uniquely positioned to play this role. This convergence of utilitarian and transcendent objectives, in the current sociopolitical moment, justifies a special position for unions and worker organizations in the U.S. immigration system

Pre-Election Review of Voter Initiatives—American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations v. EU, 36 Cal. 3d 687, 686 P.2d 609, 206 Cal. Rptr. 89 (1984)

In American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations v. Eu (AFL-CIO), the California Supreme Court removed a proposed initiative from the ballot prior to the election. The proposed initiative would have compelled the California legislature to apply.to Congress for a limited constitutional convention. The court recognized a general rule against pre-election review of initiatives, but nevertheless found pre-election review appropriate under an exception to the rule. The exception invoked in AFL-CIO allows pre-election review where the challenger alleges that the proposed measure is beyond the power of the people to enact. This Note analyzes the AFL-CIO court\u27s exercise of pre-election review, and considers the role of pre-election review in promoting effective use of the initiative process. Part I reviews the factual context of AFL-CIO and describes the court\u27s opinion. Part II first analyzes the weaknesses of the AFL-CIO court\u27s conception of pre-election review as an exception to the rule. It then considers how pre-election judicial review can benefit the initiative process by counteracting procedural weaknesses and protecting against substantively invalid measures. The Note recommends overt abolition of the rule inhibiting pre-election review and acceptance of preelection review as the convention

Pre-Election Review of Voter Initiatives—American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations v. EU, 36 Cal. 3d 687, 686 P.2d 609, 206 Cal. Rptr. 89 (1984)

In American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations v. Eu (AFL-CIO), the California Supreme Court removed a proposed initiative from the ballot prior to the election. The proposed initiative would have compelled the California legislature to apply.to Congress for a limited constitutional convention. The court recognized a general rule against pre-election review of initiatives, but nevertheless found pre-election review appropriate under an exception to the rule. The exception invoked in AFL-CIO allows pre-election review where the challenger alleges that the proposed measure is beyond the power of the people to enact. This Note analyzes the AFL-CIO court\u27s exercise of pre-election review, and considers the role of pre-election review in promoting effective use of the initiative process. Part I reviews the factual context of AFL-CIO and describes the court\u27s opinion. Part II first analyzes the weaknesses of the AFL-CIO court\u27s conception of pre-election review as an exception to the rule. It then considers how pre-election judicial review can benefit the initiative process by counteracting procedural weaknesses and protecting against substantively invalid measures. The Note recommends overt abolition of the rule inhibiting pre-election review and acceptance of preelection review as the convention

The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 and the Law of Torts

INTRODUCTION: A patients needs and the seriousness of the disease are not the only factors that determine referral to hospital. The objective of this study was to analyse whether locum doctors (LDs) have a different pattern of referral to hospital from regular GPs (RGPs). METHODS: All hospital referrals for one year (n = 5566 patients) from two Norwegian rural primary health care (PHC) centres to the nearby district hospital were analysed with regard to ICD-10 diagnosis groups. A major difference between the PHCs was that one had a continuous supply of LDs while the other had a stable group of RGPs. The equal-sized communities were demographically and socio-culturally similar. RESULTS: The PHC centre mainly operated by short-term LDs referred a relatively high number of patients to the district hospital within the diagnosis groups of chapter VI Diseases of the nervous system (proportionate referral rate 210%; p = 0.010), and chapter IX Diseases of the circulatory system (proportionate referral rate 130%; p = 0.048), and a comparatively low number of patients for the diagnostic groups in chapter X Diseases of the respiratory system (p = 0.018), and chapter XIV Diseases of the genitourinary system (p = 0.039), compared with the norm of the district hospitals total population. The number and proportion of the total number of referrals, adjusted for population size, did not differ between the two rural communities. The LD-run PHC centre differed significantly from the total norm in 5 out of 19 ICD chapters, equal to 41% of the patients. CONCLUSIONS: Only one significant difference in hospital referrals related to ICD-diagnoses groups were found between the studied rural PHC centres, but the LD-run PHC differed from the total norm. These differences could neither be explained from the districts consumption of somatic hospital care nor the demographical differences, but were related to staffing at the PHC, that is LDs or RGPs. The analysis also revealed that possible under- and/or over-diagnosing of certain diseases occurred, both having potential medical consequences for the patient, as well as increasing healthcare expenditure