The Vietnamese Vowel System

In this dissertation, I provide a new analysis of the Vietnamese vowel system as a system with fourteen monophthongs and nineteen diphthongs based on phonetic and phonological data. I propose that these Vietnamese contour vowels - /ie/, /ɯɤ/ and /uo/ - should be grouped with these eleven monophthongs /i e ɛ a ɐ ʌ ɤ ɯ u o ɔ/ based on their similarities in phonetic and phonological behaviors. The phonetic characteristics of these vowels are studied acoustically using normalized and scaled acoustic values of 13,925 tokens, spoken by female Hanoian speakers from my speech corpus, The Vietnamese Speech Corpus . Phonetic analysis shows that the eleven monophthongs and three contour vowels are similar in terms of formant frequency targets, formant dynamic trajectories, and duration. Phonologically, monophthongs and contour vowel can be rhymed with each other in poems, and the two elements within each contour vowel should be analyzed as two halves of one root node in the syllable structure. In chapters 1 and 2, I give the current analysis of the Vietnamese sound system, review different approaches to the acoustic features of vowels, and the phonemic status of diphthongs. In chapter 3, I give a detailed description of the Vietnamese Speech Corpus. In chapter 4, I show the difference in formant targets between monophthongs and glides, as well as the importance of duration in distinguishing vowels in Vietnamese. I also give evidence for the differences in duration between the diphthongs and the monophthongs-and-contour-vowels group. In chapter 5, I analyze the natural class of monophthongs and contour vowels in terms of feature geometry and give evidence from Vietnamese phonological processes to support the analysis of contour vowels as being in the same natural class as monophthongs. I also re-analyze Vietnamese triphthongs as diphthongs in this chapter. Finally, in chapter 6, I summarize the similarities and differences across the monophthongs, contour vowels, and diphthongs, and suggest possible future studies to test this hypothesis of the Vietnamese vowel system

Cross-language study of voicing contrasts of stop consonants in Asian languages

SIGLEAvailable from British Library Document Supply Centre- DSC:D96488 / BLDSC - British Library Document Supply CentreGBUnited Kingdo

Speech Communication

Contains reports on five research projects.C.J. LeBel FellowshipKurzweil Applied IntelligenceNational Institutes of Health (Grant 5 T32 NS07040)National Institutes of Health (Grant 5 R01 NS04332)National Science Foundation (Grant 1ST 80-17599)Systems Development FoundationU.S. Navy - Office of Naval Research (Contract N00014-82-K-0727

Supralaryngeal mechanisms of the voicing contrast in velars

This study investigates supralaryngeal mechanisms of the two way voicing contrast among German velar stops and the three way contrast among Korean velar stops, both in intervocalic position. Articulatory data won via electromagnetic articulography of three Korean speakers and acoustic recordings of three Korean and three German speakers are analysed. It was found that in both languages the voicing contrast is created by more than one mechanism. However, one can say that for Korean velar stops in intervocalic position stop closure duration is the most important parameter. For German it is closure voicing. The results support the phonological description proposed by Kohler (1984)

Perceptual aspects of voice-source parameters

xii+114hlm.;24c

The use of acoustic cues in phonetic perception: Effects of spectral degradation, limited bandwidth and background noise

Hearing impairment, cochlear implantation, background noise and other auditory degradations result in the loss or distortion of sound information thought to be critical to speech perception. In many cases, listeners can still identify speech sounds despite degradations, but understanding of how this is accomplished is incomplete. Experiments presented here tested the hypothesis that listeners would utilize acoustic-phonetic cues differently if one or more cues were degraded by hearing impairment or simulated hearing impairment. Results supported this hypothesis for various listening conditions that are directly relevant for clinical populations. Analysis included mixed-effects logistic modeling of contributions of individual acoustic cues for various contrasts. Listeners with cochlear implants (CIs) or normal-hearing (NH) listeners in CI simulations showed increased use of acoustic cues in the temporal domain and decreased use of cues in the spectral domain for the tense/lax vowel contrast and the word-final fricative voicing contrast. For the word-initial stop voicing contrast, NH listeners made less use of voice-onset time and greater use of voice pitch in conditions that simulated high-frequency hearing impairment and/or masking noise; influence of these cues was further modulated by consonant place of articulation. A pair of experiments measured phonetic context effects for the "s/sh" contrast, replicating previously observed effects for NH listeners and generalizing them to CI listeners as well, despite known deficiencies in spectral resolution for CI listeners. For NH listeners in CI simulations, these context effects were absent or negligible. Audio-visual delivery of this experiment revealed enhanced influence of visual lip-rounding cues for CI listeners and NH listeners in CI simulations. Additionally, CI listeners demonstrated that visual cues to gender influence phonetic perception in a manner consistent with gender-related voice acoustics. All of these results suggest that listeners are able to accommodate challenging listening situations by capitalizing on the natural (multimodal) covariance in speech signals. Additionally, these results imply that there are potential differences in speech perception by NH listeners and listeners with hearing impairment that would be overlooked by traditional word recognition or consonant confusion matrix analysis

West African languages enrich the frequency code: Multi-functional pitch and multi-dimensional prosody in Ikaan polar questions

Cross-linguistically, statements tend to be pronounced with low or falling pitch and questions with high or rising pitch, a form–meaning pairing which has been attributed to the frequency code (Ohala, 1984). In many West African languages, however, questions are marked with a ‘lax’ prosody comprising falling intonation, low tones, lengthening, breathy termination, and open vowels (Rialland, 2007). This paper presents prosody findings from Ikaan (Niger-Congo; ISO 639-3: kcf) and proposes a re-analysis of the West African lax question prosody to integrate it with the frequency code model. The paper shows that the pragmatic functions of statement and polar question are expressed prosodically in Ikaan. Audio recordings of statements and morphosyntactically identical polar questions by six speakers were annotated segmentally, tonally, and for the presence of prosodic question markers. Speakers mark questions by using higher onset pitch, wider drops to final low tones, final breathy voice and voicelessness, final vowel lengthening, vowel insertion, and increased intensity. Breathiness may further contrast with creaky voice and glottal stops in statements. Phonation mode, and the accompanying vowel lengthening and insertion, are argued to indicate friendliness and appeals for collaboration, linking phonation mode to similar functions of higher pitch in the frequency code

Phonetics and phonology of the three-way laryngeal contrast in Madurese

Madurese, a Western Malayo-Polynesian language spoken on the Indonesian island of Madura, exhibits a three-way laryngeal contrast distinguishing between voiced, voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops and an unusual consonant-vowel (CV) co-occurrence restriction. The CV co-occurrence restriction is of phonological interest given the patterning of voiceless aspirated stops with voiced stops rather than with voiceless unaspirated stops, raising the question of what phonological feature they may share. Two features have been linked with the CV co-occurrence restriction: Advanced Tongue Root [ATR] and Lowered Larynx [LL]. However, as no evidence of voicing during closure for aspirated stops is observed and no other acoustic measures except voice onset time (VOT), fundamental frequency (F0), frequencies of the first (F1) and the second (F2) formants and closure duration relating to the proposed features have been conducted, it remains an open question which acoustic properties are shared by voiced and aspirated stops. Three main questions are addressed in the thesis. The first question is what acoustic properties voiced and voiceless aspirated stops share to the exclusion of voiceless unaspirated stops. The second question is whether [ATR] or [LL] accounts for the patterning together of voiceless aspirated stops with voiced stops. The third question is what the implications of the results are for a transparent phonetics-phonology mapping that expects phonological features to have phonetic correlates associated with them. In order to answer the questions, we looked into VOT, closure duration, F0, F1, F2 and a number of spectral measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A2*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2*, H2*-H4* and CPP. We recorded fifteen speakers of Madurese (8 females, 7 males) reading 188 disyllabic Madurese words embedded in a sentence frame. The results show that the three-way voicing categories in Madurese have different VOT values. The difference in VOT is robust between voiced stops on the one hand and voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops on the other. Albeit statistically significant, the difference in VOT values between voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops is relatively small. With regard to closure duration, we found that there is a difference between voiced stops on the one hand and voiceless unaspirated and aspirated stops on the other. We also found that female speakers distinguish F0 for the three categories while male speakers distinguish between F0 for voiced stops on the one hand and voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops on the other. The results for spectral measures show that there are no significant differences in H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2*, H2*-H4* and CPP between vowels adjacent to voiced and voiceless aspirated stops. In contrast, there are significant differences in these measures between vowels adjacent to voiced and voiceless unaspirated stops and between vowels adjacent to voiceless aspirated and voiceless unaspirated stops. Regarding the question whether voiced and voiceless aspirated stops share certain acoustic properties, our findings show that they do. The acoustic properties they share are H1*-A1* for both genders, H1*-H2* for females, H1*-A3* and H2*-H4* for males, and CPP for females at vowel onset and for males at vowel midpoint. However, they do not share such acoustic properties as VOT, closure duration and F0. Voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops can be distinguished by VOT, F0 and spectral measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2*, H2*-H4* and CPP. However, these two voiceless stop categories have similar closure durations. As regards the question if [+ATR] or [+LL] might be responsible for the patterning together of voiceless aspirated stops with voiced stops, our findings suggest that either feature appears to be plausible. Acoustic evidence that lends support to the feature [+ATR] includes lower F1 and greater spectral tilt measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2* and H2*-H4*, and lower CPP values. Acoustic evidence that supports the feature [+LL] includes lower F1 and greater spectral tilt measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2* and H2*-H4*, and lower CPP values. However, the fact that voiceless aspirated stops are voiceless during closure raises a problem for the feature [+ATR] and the fact that F0 for voiceless aspirated stops is higher than for voiced stops also presents a problem for the feature [+LL]. The fact that not all acoustic measures fit in well with either feature is problematic to the idea that the relationship between phonetics and phonology is transparent in the sense that phonological features can be directly transformed into their phonetic correlates. Following the view that not all phonological features may not be expected to be phonetically grounded, for example, when they are related to historical sound change, we hold the idea of a phonetics-phonology mapping which allows for other non-phonetic factors to account for a phonological phenomenon. We also provide historical and loanword evidence which could support that voiceless aspirated stops in Madurese may have derived from earlier voiced stops, which probably retain their historical laryngeal contrast through phonologisation