The development of complex verb constructions in British Sign Language

This study focuses on the mapping of events onto verb-argument structures in British Sign Language (BSL). The development of complex sentences in BSL is described in a group of 30 children, aged 3;2–12;0, using data from comprehension measures and elicited sentence production. The findings support two interpretations: firstly, in the mapping of concepts onto language, children acquiring BSL overgeneralize the use of argument structure related to perspective shifting;secondly, these overgeneralizations are predicted by the typological characteristics of the language and modality. Children under age 6;0, in attempting to produce sentences encoded through a perspective shift, begin by breaking down double-verb constructions (AB verbs) into components, producing only the part of the verb phrase which describes the perspective of the patient. There is also a prolonged period of development of non-manual features, with the full structure not seen in its adult form until after 9;0. The errors in the use of AB verbs and the subsequent protracted development of correct usage are explained in terms of the conceptual–linguistic interface

Paths in first language acquisition: Motion through space in English, French and Japanese

This thesis examines how children attain the linguistic knowledge they need to grammatically express basic trajectories through physical space in English, French and Japanese. In Talmy's (1991; 2000b) descriptive binary typology, 'verb-framed’ languages such as Japanese and French systematically encode PATH (or 'direction') in verbs, whilst 'satellite-framed' languages such as English systematically do so in adpositions. How such phenomena might be formalized is considered in terms of two contrasting hypotheses: (i) the Path Parameter Hypothesis, which suggests binary parameterization at the whole-language level, and (іі) the Lexicalist Path Hypothesis, which suggests that all relevant aspects of PATH predication are determined at the level of individual lexical items. Two experiments with original research methodology were conducted with English, French and Japanese children and adults. In Experiment I, directional predicates were elicited using a purpose-designed picture-story, and in Experiment II, grammaticality judgements were elicited from the same test subjects. Whilst predictions of general tendencies were upheld (strongly for English and Japanese, weakly for French), several findings support a non-parameterized, lexicalist account of PATH predication. First, in all child age groups, the three languages fell into discrete response categories for directional utterances in the absence of an inherent PATH verb. Second, both lexicalization types were found in each language, again in all age groups. Third, the three languages are revealed to have a shared syntax of directional predication, involving the same set of interpretable features and the same set of basic syntactic structures, including a layered pp structure. These findings suggest that whilst the typology remains broadly descriptive, there is no language-particular grammar involved in this variation. Rather, both directional V and a fully articulated pp structure are available in all three languages, show no discernable development, and are presumably part of the machinery of Universal Grammar. Children already understand the syntactic possibilities in the predication of PATH, but must learn the particular complexities of their lexicon, the primary locus of variation in the linguistic expression of motion events

Functional categories and maturation: The prefunctional stage of language acquisition

The aim of this thesis is to provide a theory of language acquisition within the Principles and Parameters framework of Generative Grammar. In Chapter 1, I outline the syntactic theory I adopt which assumes that functional categories determine crosslinguistic variation in terms of parameterisation. In the model of the grammar presented, the set of functional categories is argued to constitute an independent module in the Language Faculty, the Functional Module. This is also referred to as the UG lexicon on the ground that it consists of categories that belong to the grammar proper. Substantive categories are assumed to be included in the Mental lexicon which is part of an independent module of the mind/brain. One of the underlying criteria which determine the difference between functional and substantive categories is the relation of each of these sets with conceptual entries in the mental lexicon. Both substantive and functional categories are argued to be morphologically realised at an interface level where processes of morphological affixation take place. The theoretical approach to language acquisition defended in this thesis is summarised as follows: Principles of UG (Universal Grammar) are always available throughout the process of language acquisition; the Functional Module is subject to maturation, hence not available at the Prefunctional stage (18-24 months). On the basis of these background assumptions, the predictions of the theory are that Prefunctional grammars are 'possible' grammars in the sense defined by UG and that parameterisation is absent. Accordingly, the theory is tested against acquisition data from a number of languages: English, French, Greek, German, Spanish and Irish. In Chapter 2 I present an account of inflectional affixation in Prefunctional grammars, the basic claim being that Aspect rather than Tense is encoded in early verbal forms. The presence of Aspect at this stage is argued to be motivated by two reasons. The first is that the process of Aspectual affixation involves a morphological rather than a syntactic derivation. On the assumption that lexical processes take place at the interface level, the presence of Aspectual features is expected. The second reason is that Aspect is an argument of the verb, thus necessarily present in early grammars, by virtue of thematic constraints on representations imposed by UG. In Chapter 3 I discuss Agreement morphology in early verbal forms. The absence of an Agreement projection in the structural representation is argued to give rise to a number of predictions as far as the status of null arguments in Prefunctional grammars is concerned. In particular, the claim put forward is that null subjects and objects are structurally realised as PRO, the underlying motivation being that the availability of this category does not depend on the presence of a functional head in the clause structure. The traditional idea that child grammars are context-bound is formulated in terms of the distinction between discourse- and sentence-oriented languages. Early grammars are thus argued to belong to the former set in that the referential status of null arguments is not syntactically but pragmatically identified. In Chapter 4 the issue of word-order in Prefunctional grammars is addressed. In the absence of functional heads in the clause structure, the order of the subject and the object is argued to be unfixed with respect to the verbal head. Moreover, according to the clause structure suggested previously, it is predicted that certain word-order patterns are not available at this stage. Thus, the VSO order is shown to be missing even in acquisition data from languages where it is available in adult speech, e.g. Irish, Greek and Spanish. The account of word-order in early grammars is thus subsumed under the general claim concerning the absence of functional categories, and, consequently, parameterisation. In Chapter 5, I discuss the interaction of negation and modality at the Prefunctional stage. These two categories are argued to exhibit certain distributional properties in early grammars which are attributed to their underlying semantic compatibility. Thus, distinctions between different categories of modality as well as between modal and non-modal sentences are argued to be expressed in the use of different negative elements in early grammars. The transition from this to the subsequent stage of development is argued to be the result of modal elements and negation emerging as syntactic categories. This account is consistent with the theoretical approach to language acquisition presented in this thesis, whereby transitional stages of development are taken to instantiate the emerging functional structure

From Coordination to Verbal Serialization – The PÓJŚĆ (Serial Verb) Construction in Polish

The present paper studies the PÓJŚĆ gram in Polish – a construction composed of the verb pójść ‘walk’ and another inflected verb. The author demonstrates that the PÓJŚĆ can be represented as a set of stages on the path linking bi-clausality/bi-verbiness and mono-clausal/mono-verbiness. Specifically, it spans the section ranging from a non-canonical, less cohesive instantiation of a serial verb construction (SVC) (in which it overlaps with asyndetic coordination) to a canonical instantiation of SVC (in which it complies with the SVC prototype to a large extent). Accordingly, the study corroborates the view that SVCs may derive from asyndetic coordination and, by accumulating properties associated with different parts of the clausality/verbiness continuum, gradually develop towards SVC. This gradualness is not only diachronic, but may also be observed synchronically

Marking Topic or Marking Case: A Comparative Investigation of Heritage Japanese and Heritage Korean

In this paper, we examine the relationship between grammatical and discourse-related domains of linguistic organization in heritage speakers by comparing their knowledge of categories mediated at different structural levels: grammatical case marking, which is mediated within the structure of the clause, and the marking of information structure, grammatically mediated at the syntax-discourse interface. To this end, we examine the knowledge of case and topic particles in heritage speakers and L2 learners of Japanese and Korean as assessed through a series of rating tasks. We find that heritage speakers in both languages experience different degrees of difficulty with elements that belong to different linguistic modules: phenomena which involve semantic and discourse computation are found to be more difficult than phenomena governed primarily by structural syntactic constraints.Linguistic

Topics, Presuppositions, and Theticity: An Empirical Study of Verb-Subject Clauses in Albanian, Greek, and Serbo-Croat

Verb-Subject order is often claimed to be the surface expression of thetic utterances, which are supposed to be ontologically different from the classical Aristotelian categoric type: thetic utterances are not divided in two parts (subject and predicate, topic and comment), but represent the information they convey as a cognitive whole. The purpose of the present study is to offer a detailed description of the clauses with this word order in Albanian, Greek, and Serbo-Croat, in which the verb-subject strategy is a very prominent one, and, based on these data, to reexamine the postulates of the theory of two basic utterance types. The results may be subsumed in two claims: (1) The equation "VS = thetic" does not hold true, because subject postponement is a distinctive feature of at least three constructions, which I labeled Inversion, VsX-Construction and vS-Construction. Of these, only the latter resembles what is usually called thetic. (2) The existence of a non-categoric utterance type does not automatically follow from the existence of vS-Construction, since this construction also displays a specific kind of topic-comment articulation, explainable in terms of certain word order and intonation rules of the three languages in question