Gentle Warlords: The Potential for Violent Non-State Actors to Provide Stability

This paper provides a heuristic to determine the potential effects of violent non-state actors (VNSAs) on stability. It classifies VNSAs by type, categorizing groups as either clientelist, communal, or corporate. It finds that corporate VNSAs, those organized around a shared but non-ascriptive identity, such as membership in a guild or society, generally behave in a manner that is most likely to create stability. This hypothesis is supported through an in-depth examination of the Civil Defense Forces, a corporate VNSA that played a crucial role during the 1991-2002 Sierra Leone Civil War

Resolving intrastate conflicts : a case study of Sierra Leone

This study set out to examine the interplay of negotiations and military intervention in the resolution of the conflict in Sierra Leone between 1991 and 2002, and to draw lessons from this process for the resolution of intrastate conflicts in Africa. To achieve this, a more detailed analysis was undertaken on: the evolution and progress of the conflict in Sierra Leone (Chapter two); the various military interventions (Chapter three); and the various peace agreements (Chapter four). What has come to light is that it is important to distinguish between the triggers to the conflict and the drivers of the conflict. In the case of Sierra Leone, the trigger was ECOMOG’s entry into Liberia – an event that was mistakenly seen as the main cause of the conflict and leading to wrong decisions on how to end the conflict. It is also clear that greed was at the centre of the conflict in Sierra Leone since control of natural resources appear to be the main push factors behind most of the fighting. Control of these resources gave the holders an advantage. Progress in negotiations was determined by demands and concessions by those in control of the resources. An additional dimension that was common to many conflicts in Africa was control of the country’s capital city. Possession of this bestowed visible power to the holders. It is because of this that Freetown became the centre of many bouts of conflict. The study highlighted a number of issues that impact on the duration and outcome of intrastate conflicts. The first concerns the risks of sidelining the army that had played a significant role in governing the country. To do so, in favour of a civilian militia, was inviting trouble. This mistake extended the conflict by at least another two years. Also important was the issue of the over-militarisation of society. As the state structures failed, patronage and resources acted as drivers for the formation of other armed factions. The proliferation of armed factions made finding a solution more problematic. Increasing militarisation was further driven by the role of by neighbouring countries. This complicated the search for a political solution, as members of the regional group, ECOWAS, actively supported various sides in the conflict. While it was encouraging to see ECOWAS attempting to resolve the conflict, it could not sustain the role of being both a player and referee at the same time. As a result of this, ECOWAS itself contributed to the prolonging of the conflict. The intervention by the United Kingdom demonstrated that actors with superior force are in a position to make decisive interventions to help end conflicts. At the international level, the question on leaving conflict management to regional bodies is not a panacea for solving intrastate conflicts. The United Nations Security Council initially relied on ECOWAS to manage the conflict, but was later forced to take over the active peacekeeping role. It was also only when the United Nations began reflecting on earlier peacekeeping failures, such as Rwanda and Somalia, that new peacekeeping approaches began to emerge. This reflection also generated the continuing debate on the “Responsibility to Protect” vulnerable populations in intrastate conflict.Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2010.Political Sciencesunrestricte

¿Terrorists Prefer Diamonds¿ How predation, state collapse and insurgence have fashioned the international exploitation of Sierra Leone¿s war economy

Between 1991 and 2000, Sierra Leone experienced massive state and economic decline amidst a brutal civil war. In a country that is minerally wealthy, but ruled by a corrupt and predatory government, a `revolutionary¿ movement known as the RUF emerged, terrorising the civilian population and profiting from the unsecured diamond industry. The classic causes given for Sierra Leone¿s state collapse and consequent civil war have in large centred around the adverse effects of colonialism, civil unrest due to rampant governmental kleptocracy, and regional conflict spillover. However, the multiplicity of actors in Sierra Leone and the complexity of the environment demonstrate that the ten year civil war revolved predominantly around the country¿s highly lucrative diamonds. Indoctrinated in Qadafi¿s Libya and trained by Taylor¿s NPFL rebels in Liberia, the RUF insurgency created links through Charles Taylor to international criminals such as weapon¿s dealer Victor Bout, and international terrorists including al Qaeda. In just a few years Sierra Leone attained the dubious distinction of being one of the most globalised informal and illegal economies in the world. To the backdrop of Sierra Leone¿s collapsed state, economic vacuum and brutal civil war, and within the context of contemporary economic globalisation and an international `War on Terror¿, this paper discusses the local, regional and international levels of economic exploitation throughout the wartime period, and highlights how informal economies are inherently prone to large scale criminal predation

A ‘Force for Good’? Police Reform in Post?conflict Sierra Leone

The Sierra Leone Police Force has its origins in British colonial administration. After Independence and with the consolidation of one?party rule the force slid into disrepute. The outbreak of civil conflict in 1991 largely decimated the force but the gradual restoration of peace provided an opportunity for police reform. This article covers the aspects of the political and institutional environment that helped engender change, as well as constraints faced by the reform agenda. It considers how the officers actually carried out the task at hand, and shares lessons as to what reform tactics worked and which were less successful. While several challenges remain, the reform programme has been largely successful, hinging on – among other factors – the appointment of a British Inspector General of Police; the availability of a core of reform?minded officers; long?term external technical and financial assistance; and a conducive political environment for change

Blood Diamonds: The Successes and Failures of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme in Angola, Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe

Over the past several decades, diamond trade has fueled conflicts in many countries across the world. The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme, implemented in 2003, sought to “eliminate the presence of conflict diamonds in the chain of producing, exporting and importing rough diamonds” within participating countries. Some have considered the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme a success while others view it as a strong attempt at resolution that has ultimately failed. There are also many proposals for changes and additions to the existing structure that aim to make the KPCS more effective. This Note will focus on the history of the blood diamond trade in three African countries: Angola, Sierra Leone, and Zimbabwe. The Note will delve into the history of blood diamonds in these three countries, including the conflicts which have been fueled by diamonds, and may still be fueled by diamonds today. Further, it will detail the history of the KPCS—its structure regarding membership and policy, how it works, and how it is enforced and implemented in the three countries. Finally, the Note will examine some areas where the KPCS is lacking as well as some proposed revisions to make the KPCS more effective. Lastly, this Note will evaluate how the KPCS should realistically and practically be updated to accommodate for changes in the realm of the diamond trade

NERICA, \u3cem\u3eKimaa\u3c/em\u3e, and the Sustainability of Rice Farming in Magbainba Ndohahun Chiefdom, Sierre Leone: An Anthropological Perspective

With the looming threat of a world food shortage, it has become increasingly important for developing African countries to strengthen their indigenous farming practices. This thesis examines the system of rice farming within Sierra Leone’s rural Magbainba Ndohahun Chiefdom, which the author visited in 2008 as part of a University of Washington interdisciplinary program on rice farming methods. Practices related to fallowing, fertilization, hired labor, and land tenure (kimaa) are discussed and placed within the context of long-term sustainability

Becoming and Remaining a 'Force for Good': Reforming the Police in Post-conflict Sierra Leone

The Sierra Leone Police Force has its origins in the British colonial administration of the country. After Independence and with the consolidation of one-party rule the force slid into disrepute. The outbreak of civil conflict in 1991 largely decimated the force but the gradual restoration of peace provided an opportunity for police reform. This research report covers the aspects of the political and institutional environment that helped engender change, as well as constraints faced by the reform agenda. It considers how the officers actually carried out the task at hand, and shares lessons as to what reform tactics worked and which were less successful. While several challenges remain, the reform programme, centred around local needs policing has been largely successful, hinging on – among other factors – the appointment of a British Inspector General of Police, perceived to be neutral and above political machinations, supported by a core of reformminded officers; long-term external technical and financial assistance; and a conducive political environment for change.Thie report was produced under the auspices of the RCUK Global Uncertainties Programme on Security in an Africa of Networked, Multi-Level Governance

A Village-Up View of Sierra Leone’s Civil War and Reconstruction: Multilayered and Networked Governance

Sierra Leone not only has a direct relationship with its citizens as individuals but also a mediated one through the rural governance systems that pre-dated colonialism and often have greater legitimacy than the central state itself. The impact of the civil war in the rural areas was devastating. Nonetheless the pre-war (traditional) leadership structures continued informally to provide whatever degree of governance response was possible. In the 38 communities visited throughout rural Sierra Leone, a third of the chiefs remained with their people (even if in hiding) throughout even the most difficult part of the civil war and most of the rest fled only briefly. During the war chiefs made a major change to include youth and women in their governance practices and this more participatory approach to governance has persisted. Although a large number of chiefs died during the war period, their positions were easily refilled afterward. During the war most communities in the South and East created local Civilommunity Defensce Forces (CDF) to defend themselves. Chiefs retained at least some degree of direction over 71% per cent of the CDF forces in the areas visited, with the consequence that only a third of these CDFs gave trouble to their communities. The role of international donors increased significantly as a result of the war as well. Nonetheless, their initiatives have strengthened, not threatened the legitimacy of the state because the army, police and health services have improved and as local citizens do not know how to access the donors directly they tend to credit their activities to various government actors. The various reforms that have come in the wake of the civil war are incomplete and the institutional boundaries of the newly reconstructed multi-layered governance system are unclear. Not enough attention has been paid to governance at the ‘periphery’.The report was produced under the auspices of the RCUK Global Uncertainties Programme on Security in an Africa of Networked, Multi-Level Governance

Violent conflict and international migration in Africa, 2005-2013 : empirical patterns and government challenges

A Research Report Submitted to the Faculty of Humanities by: In partial fulfillment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of Masters of Arts in International RelationsThis research report examines the governance and developmental challenges faced by countries that are major refugee destination countries. In doing so, I seek to examine the determinants of refugee outflows in Africa during the period of 2005 to 2013. I begin with the gravity model of refugee flows which helps identify and explain why certain countries tend to become major refugee destinations. The gravity model posits that refugee flows between two states is influenced by the distance and population size of both the destination and origin country. To this, I also add violent conflict which is expected to significantly affect refugee flows. In identifying major refugee destination nations, I also seek to understand which of these countries identify forced migration as a crucial governance and development challenge. The APRM text-mining analysis provides clarity on this. I use the statistical analysis to identify two countries that are popular refugee destination countries – Ethiopia and Kenya. I then present nested cases of trends of violent conflict and refugee flows. My central findings are that the presence of violent conflict in the source country strongly increases refugee outflows. I also find that distance plays a significant role in influencing migration decisions. The dynamics in the case studies reveal that African states are faced with different migration related challenges, and that the governance of migration is highly depended on the cooperation, will and commitment between the host and source countries.MT201

The Role of Education in Peacebuilding:A synthesis report of findings from Lebanon, Nepal and Sierra Leone

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