457 research outputs found

    Morphological Passivization and the Change of Lexical-Semantic Structures in Korean

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    The Advent of the English Prepositional Passive: a Multi-faceted Morphosyntactic Change

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    Transitivity and Prototype Parameter - a cross-linguistic perspective -

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    This paper investigates the relationships between transitivity and prototype constructions from a cross-linguistic perspective. The focus of this paper is to show how the degree of semantic intensity in transitivity in a given language is correlated with the parameter of various prototype constructions with respect to force-dynamic profiles. It is demonstrated that the proposed prototype parameter captures the cross-linguistic regularity regarding the semantic intensity between verbs and grammatical arguments. This principle is also shown to constrain the applicability of some rules that change grammatical relations in German, English and Korean. This comparative perspective explains why there are cross-linguistic differences of transitive constructions with respect to the force-dynamic profiles.OAIID:oai:osos.snu.ac.kr:snu2014-01/102/0000047388/2SEQ:2PERF_CD:SNU2014-01EVAL_ITEM_CD:102USER_ID:0000047388ADJUST_YN:NEMP_ID:A077064DEPT_CD:709CITE_RATE:0FILENAME:ijglsafinal(3)shseong.pdfDEPT_NM:๋…์–ด๊ต์œก๊ณผSCOPUS_YN:NCONFIRM:YCONFIRM:

    Atypical Argument Structure of the HI Passive in Korean

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    Voice Syncretism Crosslinguistically: The View from Minimalism

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    Voice syncretism is widely attested crosslinguistically. In this paper, we discuss three different types of Voice syncretism, under which the same morpheme participates in different configurations. We provide an approach under which the same Voice head can convey different interpretations depending on the environment it appears in, thus building on the notion of allosemy. We show that, in all cases under investigation, allosemy is closely associated with the existence of idiosyncratic patterns. By contrast, we notice that allosemy and idiosyncrasy are not present in analytic passive and causative constructions across different languages. We argue that the distinguishing feature between the two types of constructions is whether the passive and the causative interpretation comes from the Voice head, thus forming a single domain with the vP or whether passive and causative semantics are realized by distinct heads above the Voice layer, thus forming two distinct domains.Peer Reviewe

    ํ„ฐํ‚ค์–ด ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์˜ ๊ตฌ์กฐ

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    ํ•™์œ„๋…ผ๋ฌธ(์„์‚ฌ)--์„œ์šธ๋Œ€ํ•™๊ต ๋Œ€ํ•™์› :์ธ๋ฌธ๋Œ€ํ•™ ์–ธ์–ดํ•™๊ณผ,2019. 8. ๊ณ ํฌ์ •.๋ณธ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์—์„œ๋Š” ๊ฐœ๋ณ„ ์–ธ์–ด ๋ณ„๋กœ ์ƒ๋‹นํ•œ ๋ณ€์ด์„ฑ์„ ๋ณด์—ฌ์ฃผ๋Š” ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์˜(Eckardt, 2003; Legendre, 1997; Nakazawa, 2008; Napoli, 1992) ์—ฌ๋Ÿฌ ์–ธ์–ด์˜ ํ˜•ํƒœ ๋Œ€์กฐ๋ฅผ ํ†ตํ•˜์—ฌ ํ„ฐํ‚ค์–ด ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์˜ ํ˜•ํƒœ๋ฅผ ๋ฐํžˆ๊ณ  ์ด๋“ค์˜ ํ†ต์‚ฌ์  ํŠน์ง•๋“ค์„ ํŒŒ์•…ํ•˜๋ ค ํ•˜์˜€๋‹ค. ํŠนํžˆ, ์˜์–ด ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” ํญ๋„“๊ฒŒ ์ด๋ฃจ์–ด์ ธ ์™”์ง€๋งŒ, ํ„ฐํ‚ค์–ด์˜ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์— ์ดˆ์ ์„ ๋‘” ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” ๋งค์šฐ ๋“œ๋ฌผ์—ˆ๋‹ค. ์„ ํ–‰ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ Turgay (2013)์„ ๋ฐ”ํƒ•์œผ๋กœ ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ ํ„ฐํ‚ค์–ด์— ๋™์‚ฌ-AsIyA ํ˜•๊ณผ ํ˜•์šฉ์‚ฌ (AP) ํ˜•, ๋‘ ๊ฐ€์ง€ ํ˜•ํƒœ์˜ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์ด ์กด์žฌํ•จ์„ ๊ฐ•์กฐํ•œ๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๋Ÿฌ๋‚˜ ์ด์ „ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์™€ ๋‹ฌ๋ฆฌ ๋‘ ํ˜•ํƒœ ๋ชจ๋‘๊ฐ€ ์†Œ์ ˆ ๊ตฌ์กฐ๋ฅผ ๊ฐ–๋Š”๋‹ค๋Š” ํ†ตํ•ฉ์ ์ธ ์ฃผ์žฅ์„ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ํ•˜์ง€๋งŒ ๋ณธ ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์—์„œ๋Š” ๋™์‚ฌ-AsIyA ํ˜•์„ ๋ถ€๊ฐ€์†Œ์ ˆ๋กœ ๋ณด๊ณ  ํ˜•์šฉ์‚ฌ (AP) ํ˜•์€ ๋ณด์–ด (complement)๋กœ ๋ถ„์„ํ•˜๊ณ ์ž ํ•œ๋‹ค. ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์˜ ํ•œ ์ข…๋ฅ˜๋กœ์„œ ๋™์‚ฌ -AsIyA ํ˜•์˜ ๊ตฌ์กฐ๋Š” ํ•œ๊ตญ์–ด์˜ -๊ฒŒ ํ˜• ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ๊ณผ ๋น„์Šทํ•˜๊ฒŒ ์ˆ ์–ด์˜ ์ฃผ์–ด๊ฐ€ ์ทจํ•œ ๊ฒฉ์— ๋”ฐ๋ผ ํ†ต์‚ฌ์  ํŠน์„ฑ์„ ๋‚˜ํƒ€๋‚ธ๋‹ค. ์ด์— ๋”ฐ๋ผ ๋ณธ ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์—์„œ๋Š” Ko(2015)์˜ ๋ถ€๊ฐ€ ์†Œ์ ˆ ๋ถ„์„์„ ํ„ฐํ‚ค์–ด์˜ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์˜ ํ˜•ํƒœ์— ์ ์šฉํ•˜์—ฌ ์ด ์œ ํ˜•์˜ ํ†ต์‚ฌ์  ๋„์ถœ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ์ƒˆ๋กœ์šด ์ œ์•ˆ์„ ํ•˜๊ณ ์ž ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ด์™€ ๊ด€๋ จํ•˜์—ฌ 3.1์ ˆ์—์„œ๋Š” -AsIyA ํ˜•์˜ ๊ตฌ์กฐ์  ์„ฑ๊ฒฉ์˜ ๋ถ„์„์„ ์ œ์‹œํ•˜๊ณ  ์žˆ๋‹ค. ๋˜ํ•œ, ํ„ฐํ‚ค์–ด๋Š” Talmy(2000)์˜ ์–ดํœ˜ํ™” ์œ ํ˜• ์ด๋ก ์—์„œ ์ œ์•ˆํ•œ ๋™์‚ฌํ˜• ์–ธ์–ด์— ์†ํ•˜์ง€๋งŒ, ๋ณธ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์—์„œ๋Š” ํ„ฐํ‚ค์–ด์—์„œ ํ˜•์šฉ์‚ฌ๊ฐ€ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ์ƒํƒœ๋ฅผ ๊ฐ€๋ฆฌํ‚ค๋Š” ๋ณด์–ด ์œ ํ˜•์ด ๋  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ๋‹ค๊ณ  ์ง€์ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๋Ÿฌ๋‚˜, ์ฃผ๋ชฉํ•  ์ ์€ ํ„ฐํ‚ค์–ด ํ˜•์šฉ์‚ฌ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์€ ๋ชฉ์ ์–ด์˜ ์ƒํƒœ ๋ณ€ํ™”๋ฅผ ํ•จ์˜ํ•˜๋Š” ๋™์‚ฌ์˜ ๋ณด์–ด๋กœ๋งŒ ์‚ฌ์šฉ๋œ๋‹ค๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค (Washio, 1997). ์ด ์œ ํ˜•์€ ๋˜ํ•œ ํ•œ๊ตญ์–ด์˜ pound-ํ˜• -๋กœ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ๊ณผ ๊ฐ™์ด ์ˆ ์–ด ์ „์น˜, ์šฐ์ธก ์ „์œ„, ์ขŒ์ธก ์ „์œ„, ์ˆ ์–ด ์ƒ๋žต ํ˜„์ƒ์— ์žˆ์–ด์„œ ์œ ์‚ฌํ•œ ํŠน์ง•์„ ๋ณด์—ฌ์ค€๋‹ค. ๋”ฐ๋ผ์„œ Ko (2015)์˜ ๋ถ„์„์—์„œ์ฒ˜๋Ÿผ ์ˆ ์–ด์˜ ์ฃผ์–ด๋Š” ์ฃผ์ ˆ ๋™์‚ฌ์˜ ๋ชฉ์ ์–ด์— ํ•ด๋‹นํ•˜๋ฉฐ ์ด๋ฅผ ํ†ต์ œํ•˜๋Š” PRO ์™€ ํ˜•์šฉ์‚ฌ๊ฐ€ ์†Œ์ ˆ์„ ์ด๋ฃฌ๋‹ค. ๊ฒฐ๋ก ์ ์œผ๋กœ ๋ณธ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” ํ„ฐํ‚ค์–ด์˜ ๋‘ ๊ฐ€์ง€ ์œ ํ˜•์˜ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ํ†ตํ•ฉ์ ์ธ ๋ถ„์„์„ ์ œ๊ณตํ•œ๋‹ค.Although resultative constructions have been widely studied cross-linguistically, especially in English grammar (Bowers, 1993; Carrier and Randall, 1992; Hoekstra, 1988; Radford, 2009; Rappaport Hovav & Levin, 2001; 1974; Simpson, 1983), research focusing on Turkish resultative constructions is very scarce. This study investigates the availability of the resultative constructions, especially adjectival ones, in Turkish and examines their syntactic natures. Turkish RCs are discussed, and their syntactic structures are analysed. In the light of previous studies (Turgay,2013;Ko, 2015), the main argument is that Turkish has two types of resultatives; -AsIyA and AP type and considering the semantic relation between the DPs and result XP, both have small clause structures (Aarts, 1992; Hoekstra, 1988; Stowell, 1981, 1983). First, it was investigated if AP types RCs are available in Turkish. Although it is considered as v-framed language and does not allow DMCs, it was concluded that Turkish has AP type RCs but only the weak ones (Washio, 1997). As for โ€“AsIyA structures, it is shown that the subject of the result XP can be either accusative or nominative marked and that these two different marked constructions exhibit different structural features like Korean โ€“key resultatives. Thus, it is illustrated that adoption of Kos adjunct small clause analysis captures their properties well. Considering the similarities between Korean pound-type โ€“lo RCs and Turkish AP- type RCs such as predicate fronting, predicate right-dislocation and predicate omission, it is presented that Turkish AP type RCs pattern with Korean pound-type โ€“lo RCs and adoption of complement small clause analysis including PRO, argued by Ko (2015), on this type works well. In conclusion, small clause structures with different merge nodes; adjunct small clause and complement small clause, account for both types of Turkish RCs; -AsIyA and AP-type respectively. This analysis also captures the differences between the NOM and ACC cased โ€“AsIyA constructions. Thus, the present study provides a unified analysis for both types of resultatives in Turkish.I. INTRODUCTION . 1 1.1 The Motivation and Purpose of the Study . 4 1.2 Organization of Thesis . 4 II. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 5 2.1 Language Variation in RCs 5 2.1.1 English 5 2.1.2 German 17 2.1.3 Romance Languages . 20 2.1.4 Chinese 23 2.1.5 Japanese 25 2.1.6 Korean . 26 2.2 Summary and Conclusion 35 III. TURKISH RESULTATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS . 36 3.1 Previous Study on Turkish RCs. 36 3.2 The Proposal . . 49 3.3 Analysis 51 3.3.1 -AsIyA type . 51 3.3.2 AP type 61 3.4 Implications 71 IV. CONCLUSION 77 4.1 Summary 77 4.2 Limitations and Issues for further Research 80 References 83 Abstract (Korean) . 88Maste

    Movement and Intervention Effects:Evidence from Hindi/Urdu

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    The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the nature of intervention effects seen in various constructions like Wh-scope marking, raising and passivization. In particular, this dissertation argues in favor of a movement account for all these cases and supports the idea that (syntactic) movement is inevitable and sufficient enough to provide a unified account of various structural relations (Hornstein, 2009). It further argues that movement always happens in narrow syntax, even when it isn't visible. For some of these invisible cases, this dissertation suggests head movement as an alternative to LF movement and Agree. The second aim of this dissertation is to explain intervention effects in terms of relativized minimality (Rizzi 1990, 2004). In this consideration, this dissertation sides with Boeckx & Lasnik (2006) view that not all minimality violations are derivational: some are repairable, indicating that they must be treated as representational constraints, while others are not, indicating that they are derivational. In this study, the dissertation not only reviews cross-linguistic facts from languages like English, German, Chinese, Japanese, and Icelandic but also provides novel empirical data from Hindi/Urdu. This way, the dissertation focuses on cross-linguistic as well as language specific investigation of intervention effects. The third aspect of this dissertation therefore is to relate cross-linguistic variations in intervention effects to the difference in the nature of the phase heads among languages. For instance, the cross-linguistic difference in the properties of various constructions (such as Wh-scope marking and double object construction) is reducible to the availability of an escape hatch with the relevant phase head (C or v). In this exploration, this dissertation also makes two language specific claims about Hindi/Urdu; (a) the basic word order in this language is SVO, and (b) this language involves Wh-movement in overt syntax. The first claim contributes to the long standing debate about the basic word in Hindi/Urdu, a language which shows a dichotomy in its word order by exhibiting both SOV and SVO word order. The second claim adds to the covert vs. overt Wh-movement debate for Wh in-situ languages like Hindi/Urdu. The dissertation attributes both these aspects to the phasehood of little v in Hindi/Urdu

    OV and VO variation in code-switching

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    This monograph is intended as a contribution to the field of bilingualism from a generative syntax perspective at a variety of levels. It investigates code-switching between Korean and English and also between Japanese and English, which exhibit several interesting features. Due to their canonical word order differences, Korean and Japanese being SOV (Subject-Object-Verb) and English SVO (Subject-Verb-Object), a code-switched sentence between Korean/Japanese and English can take, in principle, either OV or VO order, to which little attention has been paid in the literature. On the contrary, word order is one of the most extensively discussed topics in generative syntax, especially in the Principles and Parameterโ€™s approach (P&P) where various proposals have been made to account of various order patterns of different languages. By taking the generative view that linguistic variation is due to variation in the domain of functional categories rather than lexical roots (e.g. Borer 1984; Chomsky 1995), this monograph investigates word order variation in Korean-English and Japanese-English code-switching, with particular attention to the relative placement of the predicate (verb) and its complement (object) in two contrasting word orders, OV and VO, which was tested against Korean-English and Japanese-English bilingual speakersโ€™ introspective judgments. The results provide strong evidence indicating that the distinction between functional and lexical verbs plays a major role in deriving different word orders (OV and VO, respectively) in Korean-English and Japanese-English code-switching, which supports the hypothesis that parametric variation is attributed to differences in the features of a functional category in the lexicon, as assumed in minimalist syntax. In particular, the explanation pursued in this monograph is based on feature inheritance, a syntactic derivational process, which was proposed in recent developments the Minimalist Program. The monograph shows that by studying diverse and creative word order patterns of code-switching, we are at a better disposal to understand how languages are parameterized similarly or differently in a given domain, which is the very topic that generative linguists have pursued for a long time

    On Japanese Desiderative Constructions

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    PACLIC / The University of the Philippines Visayas Cebu College Cebu City, Philippines / November 20-22, 200

    A lexicalist account of argument structure: Template-based phrasal LFG approaches and a lexical HPSG alternative

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    Currently, there are two prominent schools in linguistics: Minimalism (Chomsky) and Construction Grammar (Goldberg, Tomasello). Minimalism comes with the claim that our linguistic capabilities consist of an abstract, binary combinatorial operation (Merge) and a lexicon. Most versions of Construction Grammar assume that language consists of flat phrasal schemata that contribute their own meaning and may license additional arguments. This book examines a variant of Lexical Functional Grammar, which is lexical in principle but was augmented by tools that allow for the description of phrasal constructions in the Construction Grammar sense. These new tools include templates that can be used to model inheritance hierarchies and a resource driven semantics. The resource driven semantics makes it possible to reach the effects that lexical rules had, for example remapping of arguments, by semantic means. The semantic constraints can be evaluated in the syntactic component, which is basically similar to the delayed execution of lexical rules. So this is a new formalization that might be suitable to provide solutions to longstanding problems that are not available for other formalizations. While the authors suggest a lexical treatment of many phenomena and only assume phrasal constructions for selected phenomena like benefactive and resultative constructions in English, it can be shown that even these two constructions should not be treated phrasally in English and that the analysis would not extend to other languages as for instance German. I show that the new formal tools do not really improve the situation and many of the basic conceptual problems remain. Since this specific proposal fails for two constructions, it follows that proposals (in the same framework) that assume phrasal analyses for all constructions are not appropriate either. The conclusion is that lexical models are needed and this entails that the schemata that combine syntactic objects are rather abstract (as in Categorial Grammar, Minimalism, HPSG and standard LFG). On the other hand there are constructions that should be treated by very specific, phrasal schemata as in Construction Grammar and LFG and HPSG. So the conclusion is that both schools are right (and wrong) and that a combination of ideas from both camps is needed
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