What makes a few more than a lot: a study of context-dependent quantifiers

“Hey can you help me move? I warn you I have a lot of books, though.” When we interpret such sentences we might assume that our friend is implying that there will be some heavy lifting, because she own “a lot of books”. If you’re opposed to heavy lifting, you probably want to know how many books your friend wants you to help her move. While it is easy to determine the quantities picked out by numerals, discovering the meaning of quantifiers, such as “a lot”, is less clear. For example, in a survey people gave different quantities for “a few” and “a lot” depending on the context they were asked about, choosing to give quantities as high as 76 for “a few friends on Facebook” and as low as 4 for “a lot of houses”. I ask what role context plays in these interpretations, and propose two possible hypotheses: the Fixed Quantities Hypothesis, and the Relative Quantities Hypothesis. The Fixed Quantities Hypothesis assumes that these terms pick out an exact range of quantities (e.g., 3-5 for “a few”) and that the effect of context is due to people being pragmatically generous in their interpretations (Leech, 1983; Brown & Levinson, 1987; Lasersohn, 1999). The Relative Quantities Hypothesis instead argues that the ranges picked out by each of the terms is relative to the context, and therefore these terms might be similar to relative gradable adjectives (e.g., the meaning of the word “tall” is dependent on the reference set, e.g., what counts as “tall” is different for a mug versus a building; Kennedy, 2007; Syrett, Kennedy, & Lidz, 2010). I attempt to tease apart these two theories by looking at whether people find certain quantities implausible for some contexts leading them to think a speaker is being sloppy (Experiment 1), whether the context effect persists even under light-to-no pragmatic pressure (Experiment 2), and whether we find the effect of context even with minimal knowledge of novel contexts (Experiment 3). The results favour the Relative Quantities Hypothesis, and I discuss potential future work investigating the role of distributional knowledge on quantifier mappings

An agent-based model of the emergence and evolution of a language system for boolean coordination

This paper presents an agent-based model of the emergence and evolution of a language system for Boolean coordination. The model assumes the agents have cognitive capacities for invention, adoption, abstraction, repair and adaptation, a common lexicon for basic concepts, and the ability to construct complex concepts using recursive combinations of basic concepts and logical operations such as negation, conjunction or disjunction. It also supposes the agents initially have neither a lexicon for logical operations nor the ability to express logical combinations of basic concepts through language. The results of the experiments we have performed show that a language system for Boolean coordination emerges as a result of a process of self-organisation of the agents' linguistic interactions when these agents adapt their preferences for vocabulary, syntactic categories and word order to those they observe are used more often by other agents. Such a language system allows the unambiguous communication of higher-order logic terms representing logical combinations of basic properties with non-trivial recursive structure, and it can be reliably transmitted across generations according to the results of our experiments. Furthermore, the conceptual and linguistic systems, and simplification and repair operations of the agent-based model proposed are more general than those defined in previous works, because they not only allow the simulation of the emergence and evolution of a language system for the Boolean coordination of basic properties, but also for the Boolean coordination of higher-order logic terms of any Boolean type which can represent the meaning of nouns, sentences, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, prepositional phrases and subexpressions not traditionally analysed as forming constituents, using linguistic devices such as syntactic categories, word order and function words.Peer ReviewedPostprint (author's final draft

The acquisition of basque and spanish quantifiers: an empirical study.

300 p.Tesi honek zenbatzaileen jabekuntza eta garapena ikertzen du 4-9 urte bitarteko haur euskaldun eta gaztelaniadunekin, eta helduen interpretazioak ere ditu ikergai, kontrol moduan. Lan honek bi helburu nagusi ditu: (i) zenbatzaileekin eratorritako eskala inplikaturak aztertu, ikuspuntu semantiko-pragmatiko batetik; eta (ii) zenbatzaile unibertsal eta ezeztapenaren arteko interakzioa ikertu, analisi sintaktiko batean oinarrituz. Zenbatzaileen jabekuntza goiztiarraren literaturak (Katsos et al. 2016; a.o.) haurrek zenbatzaileen ezaugarri semantikoak era gradual batean jabetzen dituztela erakusten du. Gainera, 5 urteko haurrek egia-balioen ez-betetzea antzematen duten arren (semantikoki zuzenak eta okerrak diren esaldiak), zailtasunak dituzte azpi-informatiboak (pragmatikoki desegokiak) diren esaldiak errefusatu eta beharrezko eskala inplikatura eratortzeko (Grice 1985). Bestalde, zenbatzaile unibertsal eta ezeztapenaren arteko interakzioan oinarritutako lanek ikusi dute (Musolino 1998; Musolino et al. 2000; a.o.) 5-6 urte bitarteko haurrek esaldien estruktura sintaktikoa ardatz hartzen dutela irakurketa semantikoa eratortzeko (¿Observation of Isomorphism¿). Aurreko literatura eta Euskal Herriko egoera soziolinguistikoa kontuan hartuz, bi ikerketa esperimental burutu dira 384 partehartzaileekin: (i) lehen hizkuntzen jabekuntzari buruzkoa eta (ii) elebitasunari buruzkoa

Early-emerging combinatorial thought:Human infants flexibly combine kind and quantity concepts

Combinatorial thought, or the ability to combine a finite set of concepts into a myriad of complex ideas and knowledge structures, is the key to the productivity of the human mind and underlies communication, science, technology, and art. Despite the importance of combinatorial thought for human cognition and culture, its developmental origins remain unknown. To address this, we tested whether 12-mo-old infants (N = 60), who cannot yet speak and only understand a handful of words, can combine quantity and kind concepts activated by verbal input. We proceeded in two steps: first, we taught infants two novel labels denoting quantity (e.g., “mize” for 1 item; “padu” for 2 items, Experiment 1). Then, we assessed whether they could combine quantity and kind concepts upon hearing complex expressions comprising their labels (e.g., “padu duck”, Experiments 2-3). At test, infants viewed four different sets of objects (e.g., 1 duck, 2 ducks, 1 ball, 2 balls) while being presented with the target phrase (e.g., “padu duck”) naming one of them (e.g., 2 ducks). They successfully retrieved and combined on-line the labeled concepts, as evidenced by increased looking to the named sets but not to distractor sets. Our results suggest that combinatorial processes for building complex representations are available by the end of the first year of life. The infant mind seems geared to integrate concepts in novel productive ways. This ability may be a precondition for deciphering the ambient language(s) and building abstract models of experience that enable fast and flexible learning

Context-Sensitivity and Individual Differences in the Derivation of Scalar Implicature

A grant from the One-University Open Access Fund at the University of Kansas was used to defray the author's publication fees in this Open Access journal. The Open Access Fund, administered by librarians from the KU, KU Law, and KUMC libraries, is made possible by contributions from the offices of KU Provost, KU Vice Chancellor for Research & Graduate Studies, and KUMC Vice Chancellor for Research. For more information about the Open Access Fund, please see http://library.kumc.edu/authors-fund.xml.The derivation of scalar implicatures for the quantifier some has been widely studied to investigate the computation of pragmatically enriched meanings. For example, the sentence “I found some books” carries the semantic interpretation that at least one book was found, but its interpretation is often enriched to include the implicature that not all the books were found. The implicature is argued to be more likely to arise when it is relevant for addressing a question under discussion (QUD) in the context, e.g., when “I found some books” is uttered in response to “Did you find all the books?” as opposed to “Did you find any books?”. However, most experimental studies have not examined the influence of context on some, instead testing some sentences in isolation. Moreover, no study to our knowledge has examined individual differences in the ability to utilize context in interpreting some, whereas individual variation in deriving implicatures for some sentences in isolation is widely attested, with alternative proposals attributing this variation to individual differences in cognitive resources (e.g., working memory) or personality-based pragmatic abilities (e.g., as assessed by the Autism-Spectrum Quotient). The current study examined how context influences the interpretation of some in a story-sentence matching task, where participants rated some statements (“I cut some steaks”) uttered by one character, in response to another character’s question (QUD) that established the implicature as relevant (“Did you cut all the steaks?”) or irrelevant (“Did you cut any steaks?”). We also examined to what extent individuals’ sensitivity to QUD is modulated by individual differences via a battery of measures assessing cognitive resources, personality-based pragmatic abilities, and language abilities (which have been argued to modulate comprehension in other domains). Our results demonstrate that QUD affects the interpretation of some, and reveal that individual differences in sensitivity to QUD are modulated by both cognitive resources and personality-based pragmatic abilities. While previous studies have argued alternatively for cognitive resources or personality-based pragmatic abilities as important for deriving implicatures for some in isolation, we argue that arriving at a context-sensitive interpretation for some depends on both cognitive and personality-based properties of the individual

Scalar Implicature: Gricean Reasoning and Local Enrichment

This thesis investigates the cognitive underpinnings of Scalar Implicature phenomenon. Here I present a series of experiments in three domains of research for scalars: (i) scalar diversity phenomenon, (ii) implicature priming and (iii) the time course of access to pragmatic enrichments. I adopt a broadly Gricean theoretical approach with local pragmatic enrichment to the design of the studies and argue that this approach can shed light on the phenomena. The results of the experiments also lend support to the theoretical perspective taken. This thesis introduces a new perspective to interpret scalar diversity phenomenon. Given the observation that different scalar terms give rise to unembedded scalar implicatures at different rates, experiments presented in Chapter 2 and 3 suggest that one source of scalar diversity is the strength of association between a scalar term and its upper-bounding local enrichment. It provides indirect evidence that local enrichment impacts on the interpretation of unembedded scalars. More direct evidence of an effect of local enrichment in unembedded scalars is found in implicature priming. Experiments presented in Chapter 4 find unembedded and embedded scalar enrichments could prime each other, indicating local pragmatic enrichment as a shared mechanism involved in both. In addition, this thesis presents research on the time course of access to local pragmatic enrichment of 'some', which reveals no delay in pragmatic enrichment vis a vis semantic interpretation. Overall, this thesis argues for an integrated Gricean system that allows for scalar phenomena to be explained by two mechanisms, a global inference mechanism and a local enrichment mechanism