Von Imagepflege zur Diskreditierung politischer Gegner. Hassrede als Strategie von Online-Pressemitteilungen

Gdy w komunikatach prasowych zamieszczonych na oficjalnym portalu partii Alternatywa dla Niemiec (AfD) odnajdujemy w odniesieniu do konkurencyjnych ugrupowań i polityków określenia takie jak czerwony pokaz odmieńców (socjaldemokraci) czy sadystyczna domina (Angela Merkel), nasuwa się pytanie o cel, w jakim elementy mowy nienawiści znajdują zastosowanie w gatunku tekstu, którego prototypicznie nadrzędną funkcją jest przekazywanie informacji o wartości medialnej oraz pozytywne nacechowanie nadawcy tekstu. Przedmiotem niniejszych rozważań jest mowa nienawiści w komunikatach prasowych partii politycznych jak strategia dyskredytacji przeciwników politycznych. Wychodząc od omówienia cech gatunkowych komunikatu prasowego, podjęta zostanie próba określenia jego funkcji w obszarze komunikacji politycznej z punktu widzenia typologii tekstów i gatunków (rodzajów) tekstów politycznych. W dalszej części analizie ilościowej poddany zostanie wyekscerpowany materiał w postaci sześćdziesięciu komunikatów prasowych partii Alternatywa dla Niemiec oraz przeprowadzona zostanie analiza jakościowa jednego wybranego tekstu komunikatu ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem przejawów mowy nienawiści na płaszczyźnie pragmatycznej, semantycznej, gramatycznej oraz retorycznej.The subject of these considerations is hate speech in press releases of political parties as a strategy to discredit political opponents. The article published on the official website of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) contained terms such as the red show of misfits (social democrats) or sadistic domino (Angela Merkel) in relation to competing groups and politicians. The question arises as to the purpose of using such elements in types of texts whose primary function is to transmit information in a positive way and as a result relay the writer’s optimism. The paper shall start from the presentation of specific features of press releases; furthermore, an attempt will be made to determine its function in the field of political communication from the point of view of political text typology and genres. Throughout the rest of the paper quantitative analysis of selected materials will be presented, including sixty press releases of the Alternative for Germany party and a qualitative analysis of one selected text will be conducted. Special emphasis will be put on the pragmatic, semantic, grammatical and rhetorical levels of hate speech.Die Publikation wurde aus Mitteln des Instituts für Germanistik der Universität Łódź und des Vereins akademischer Lehrer zur Förderung der Kultur europäischer Sprachen finanziert

fh-presse Dezember 2011

Ausgabe 6/2011 der fh-press

fh-presse Dezember 2009

Ausgabe 6/2009 der fh-press

Political conflict as moral conflict : multiculturalism and the nation in Germany (2015-2017)

Cette thèse examine, depuis une perspective durkheimienne, le conflit politique en Allemagne sur le multiculturalisme, l’immigration, et l’identité nationale. L’analyse se fait dans la période entre le début de la crise des réfugiés en 2015 et l’élection fédérale allemande de septembre 2017. J’identifie quatre idéaux moraux, soit des visions idéales de la communauté allemande qui motivent les acteurs politique : l’idéal des Autonomen qui rejettent tout forme de pouvoir et de domination, l’idéal du Verfassungspatriotismus (le patriotisme constitutionnel) de la SPD (et une partie de la CDU), l’idéal de la nation (ethno)culturelle de la plupart de l’AfD (et la CSU et la WerteUnion), et l’idéal de la nation biologique de l’extrême droite. Au cœur de chaque idéal est un objet sacré qui sert d’autorité morale qui légitimant des prescriptions morales et qui amène à une série de vérités morales et de jugements moraux, la totalité duquel Émile Durkheim identifie comme un fait moral. Pour les Autonomen et les adhérents du Verfassungspatriotismus, l’objet sacré est l’individu conçu à travers le concept de la dignité humaine. Pour les autres, l’objet sacré est la nation allemande, conçue en termes (ethno)culturels ou en termes biologiques. Cette thèse argumente que ces idéaux moraux sont intrinsèquement profanatoires, dans le sens que les prescriptions morales d’un objet sacré (la dignité humaine) violent directement l’objet sacré de l’autre (la nation), et vice-versa. Ces idéaux sont tous en concurrence pour le pouvoir et l’influence, avec comme but d’avoir accès au pouvoir étatique allemand. Le résultat est un conflit politique qui traduit essentiellement un conflit moral. Ces conflits ont lieu dans le domaine légal, au sein des partis politique, et à travers la violence politique. Ces conflits touchent un nombre de sujets clés comme la liberté d’expression, le multiculturalisme, et l’extrémisme politique. La présente thèse cherche à comprendre ces conflits à travers le prisme du concept durkheimien du fait moral, et développe une sociologie du conflit moral durkheimien. Cette thèse s’inspire également de la théorie de conflit de Randall Collins, qui s’inspire elle aussi de l’œuvre de Durkheim.This dissertation examines, from a Durkheimian perspective, political conflict in Germany around the issues of multiculturalism, immigration, and national identity within the context of the Refugee Crisis beginning in 2015 and ending roughly with the German Federal Election in September 2017. It identifies four moral ideals, or ideal visions of the German community, that motivated political actors during this period: the Autonomen ideal that rejects all forms of power and domination; the ideal of Verfassungspatriotismus (Constitutional Patriotism) of the SPD (and parts of the CDU); the ideal of the cultural or ethnocultural nation of much of the AfD (and the CSU and WerteUnion); and the ideal of the biological nation on the far-right. At the heart of each moral ideal is a sacred object that serves as a moral authority that legitimates certain moral prescriptions, and leads to a set of moral truths and moral judgments, the totality of which Émile Durkheim identifies as a moral fact. For the Autonomen and adherents of Verfassungspatriotismus the sacred object is the individual understood through the concept of human dignity. For others the sacred object is the German nation, understood either in an (ethno)cultural sense or a biological sense. As the dissertation argues, these different moral ideals are inherently profanatory to each other, such that the moral prescriptions inspired by one sacred object (human dignity) directly violate the sacred object of the other (the nation), and vice-versa. These ideals all compete with each other for power and influence within the German political sphere as a means to gain access to (or to dismantle) state power. The result is political conflict that takes place essentially within a moral framework. These conflicts occur in the legal domain, in battles over party leadership and membership, and through political violence; they touch on a number of key issues such as free speech, multiculturalism, and political extremism. This dissertation seeks to understand these conflicts through the prism of Durkheim’s concept of the moral fact and to develop a Durkheimian sociology of moral conflict. In this analysis, the dissertation draws on Randall Collins’ conflict theory, which Durkheim’s work also largely inspires

fh-presse Mai 2013

Ausgabe 3/2013 der fh-press

fh-presse April 2010

Ausgabe 2/2010 der fh-press

Die Symbolik des Budapester Holocaust-Mahnmals "Die Schuhe am Donauufer" innerhalb der Erinnerungskultur an die Schoah

Die Abhandlung untersucht das Holocaust-Mahnmal Die Schuhe am Donauuferin Budapest, Ungarn. Die Installation, bestehend aus 60 Paar Schuhen aus Gusseisen, erinnert an die Erschießungen ungarischer Jüdinnen und Juden, Kommunistinnen und Kommunisten und Angehöriger der Sinti-und Roma-Gemeinde im Jahre 1944/45 durch die Pfeilkreuzler-Bewegung. Die Arbeit betrachtet das Mahnmal in drei Dimensionen: als historisches Ereignis, als gegenwärtige Kunstform und als mahnende Botschaft für die Zukunft. Dabei werden die drei Zeitformen Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft analysiert. DieStudie zieht wichtige Forschungsergebnisse aus den Kulturwissenschaften heran und vergleicht das Budapester Schuhdenkmal mit anderen Holocaust-Mahnmalen. Ein Interview mit dem Künstler Can Togay, der die Idee und Konzeptualisierung für das Mahnmal entwickelte, dient als eine der Hauptquellen. Die Arbeit schließt mit einem Ausblick auf international vergleichbare Schuhdenkmäler und deren Rolle in der Erinnerungskultur

fh-presse Dezember 2006

Ausgabe 6/2006 der fh-press

YourNow : Daimler´s and BMW´s joint road towards new mobility?

In the late 1990s the Dynamic Capabilities framework by Teece et al. (1997) shifted the focus of strategic management to an individual company’s resources and its ability to adapt them to external market trends. Refined by Barreto (2010), this resource-based view serves as a theoretical framework for this thesis, which aims at examining the development of a strategic, technological partnership between two established industrial companies. Hereby, Daimler and BMW, two of Germany’s leading automotive manufacturers are used as a real-world example in the form of a case study. The case depicts the current developments in the automotive industry and the opportunities available in the field of new mobility for traditional manufacturing companies. It outlines Daimler’s and BMW’s historical milestones and their path towards their mobility joint venture YourNow, launched in early 2019. From a strategic point of view, the case highlights the companies’ motives for the joint venture. It analyzes the exogenous shocks the companies faced, urging the former rivals to cooperate. Furthermore, the case evaluates the joint venture’s capabilities to succeed in the highly competitive mobility market as of mid 2020.No final dos anos 1990, a framework das Dynamic Capabilities de Teece et al. (1997) mudou o foco da gestão estratégica para os recursos internos de uma empresa e para a sua capacidade de adaptá-los às tendências do mercado externo. Refinada por Barreto (2010), essa visão baseada em recursos serve como base teórica para esta tese, que visa examinar o desenvolvimento de uma parceria tecnológica estratégica entre duas empresas industriais já estabelecidas no mercado. O caso de estudo da Daimler e da BMW, dois dos principais fabricantes de automóveis da Alemanha, é utilizado como exemplo do mundo real das empresas. O caso descreve os desenvolvimentos atuais na indústria automóvel e as oportunidades disponíveis no campo da nova mobilidade para os fabricantes tradicionais. São relatados os marcos históricos da Daimler e da BMW e o seu caminho para a joint venture de mobilidade “YourNow”, lançada no início de 2019. Do ponto de vista estratégico, o caso destaca os motivos das empresas para a joint venture. Analisa ainda os choques exógenos enfrentados pelas empresas, que motivaram os antigos rivais a cooperar. Além disso, o caso avalia as capacidades da joint venture ser bem sucedida no mercado altamente competitivo da mobilidade, em meados de 2020