Speaking Rate Effects on Locus Equation Slope

A locus equation describes a 1st order regression fit to a scatter of vowel steady-state frequency values predicting vowel onset frequency values. Locus equation coefficients are often interpreted as indices of coarticulation. Speaking rate variations with a constant consonant–vowel form are thought to induce changes in the degree of coarticulation. In the current work, the hypothesis that locus slope is a transparent index of coarticulation is examined through the analysis of acoustic samples of large-scale, nearly continuous variations in speaking rate. Following the methodological conventions for locus equation derivation, data pooled across ten vowels yield locus equation slopes that are mostly consistent with the hypothesis that locus equations vary systematically with coarticulation. Comparable analyses between different four-vowel pools reveal variations in the locus slope range and changes in locus slope sensitivity to rate change. Analyses across rate but within vowels are substantially less consistent with the locus hypothesis. Taken together, these findings suggest that the practice of vowel pooling exerts a non-negligible influence on locus outcomes. Results are discussed within the context of articulatory accounts of locus equations and the effects of speaking rate change

Russian assimilatory palatalization is incomplete neutralization

Incomplete neutralization refers to phonetic traces of underlying contrasts in phonologically neutralizing contexts. The present study examines one such context: Russian assimilatory palatalization in C+j sequences. Russian contrasts plain and palatalized consonants, with the plain consonants having a secondary articulation involving retraction of the tongue dorsum (velarization/uvularization). However, Russian also has stop-glide sequences that form near-minimal pairs with palatalized stops. In the environment preceding palatal glides, the contrast between palatalized and plain consonants is neutralized, due to the palatalization of the plain stop (assimilatory palatalization). The purpose of the study is to explore whether the neutralization is complete. To do so, we conducted an electromagnetic articulography (EMA) experiment examining temporal coordination and the spatial position of the tongue body in underlyingly palatalized consonants and those derived from assimilatory palatalization. Articulatory results from four native speakers of Russian revealed that gestures in both conditions are coordinated as complex segments, i.e., they are palatalized consonants. However, there are differences across conditions consistent with the residual presence of a tongue dorsum retraction gesture in the plain obstruents. We conclude that neutralization of the plain-palatal contrast in Russian is incomplete; consonants in the assimilatory palatalization condition exhibit inter-gestural coordination characteristic of palatalized consonants along with residual evidence of an underlying tongue dorsum retraction (velarization/uvularization) gesture

ARTICULATORY INFORMATION FOR ROBUST SPEECH RECOGNITION

Current Automatic Speech Recognition (ASR) systems fail to perform nearly as good as human speech recognition performance due to their lack of robustness against speech variability and noise contamination. The goal of this dissertation is to investigate these critical robustness issues, put forth different ways to address them and finally present an ASR architecture based upon these robustness criteria. Acoustic variations adversely affect the performance of current phone-based ASR systems, in which speech is modeled as `beads-on-a-string', where the beads are the individual phone units. While phone units are distinctive in cognitive domain, they are varying in the physical domain and their variation occurs due to a combination of factors including speech style, speaking rate etc.; a phenomenon commonly known as `coarticulation'. Traditional ASR systems address such coarticulatory variations by using contextualized phone-units such as triphones. Articulatory phonology accounts for coarticulatory variations by modeling speech as a constellation of constricting actions known as articulatory gestures. In such a framework, speech variations such as coarticulation and lenition are accounted for by gestural overlap in time and gestural reduction in space. To realize a gesture-based ASR system, articulatory gestures have to be inferred from the acoustic signal. At the initial stage of this research an initial study was performed using synthetically generated speech to obtain a proof-of-concept that articulatory gestures can indeed be recognized from the speech signal. It was observed that having vocal tract constriction trajectories (TVs) as intermediate representation facilitated the gesture recognition task from the speech signal. Presently no natural speech database contains articulatory gesture annotation; hence an automated iterative time-warping architecture is proposed that can annotate any natural speech database with articulatory gestures and TVs. Two natural speech databases: X-ray microbeam and Aurora-2 were annotated, where the former was used to train a TV-estimator and the latter was used to train a Dynamic Bayesian Network (DBN) based ASR architecture. The DBN architecture used two sets of observation: (a) acoustic features in the form of mel-frequency cepstral coefficients (MFCCs) and (b) TVs (estimated from the acoustic speech signal). In this setup the articulatory gestures were modeled as hidden random variables, hence eliminating the necessity for explicit gesture recognition. Word recognition results using the DBN architecture indicate that articulatory representations not only can help to account for coarticulatory variations but can also significantly improve the noise robustness of ASR system

The phonological status of Dutch epenthetic schwa

This is the publisher's version, also available electronically from http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=114625.In this paper, we use articulatory measures to determine whether Dutch schwa epenthesis is an abstract phonological process or a concrete phonetic process depending on articulatory timing. We examine tongue position during /l/ before underlying schwa and epenthetic schwa and in coda position. We find greater tip raising before both types of schwa, indicating light /l/ before schwa and dark /l/ in coda position. We argue that the ability of epenthetic schwa to condition the /l/ alternation shows that Dutch schwa epenthesis is an abstract phonological process involving insertion of some unit, and cannot be accounted for within Articulatory Phonology

The Development Of Glide Deletion In Seoul Korean: A Corpus And Articulatory Study

This dissertation investigates the pathways and causes of the development of glide deletion in Seoul Korean. Seoul provides fertile ground for studies of linguistic innovation in an urban setting since it has seen rapid historical, social and demographic changes in the twentieth century. The phenomenon under investigation is the variable deletion of the labiovelar glide /w/ found to be on the rise in Seoul Korean (Silva, 1991; Kang, 1997). I present two studies addressing variation and change at two different levels: a corpus study tracking the development of /w/-deletion at the phonological level and an articulatory study examining the phonetic aspect of this change. The corpus data are drawn from the sociolinguistic interviews with 48 native Seoul Koreans between 2015 and 2017. A trend comparison with the data from an earlier study of /w/- deletion (Kang, 1997) reveals that /w/-deletion in postconsonantal position has begun to retreat, while non-postconsonantal /w/-deletion has been rising vigorously. More importantly, the effect of preceding segment that used to be the strongest constraint on /w/-deletion has weakened over time. I conclude that /w/-deletion in Seoul Korean is being reanalyzed with the structural details being diluted over time. I analyze this weakening of the original pattern as the result of linguistic diffusion induced by a great influx of migrants into Seoul after the Korean War (1950-1953). In an articulatory study, ultrasound data of tongue movements and video data of lip rounding for the production of /w/ for three native Seoul Koreans in their 20s, 30s and 50s were analyzed using Optical Flow Analysis. I find that /w/ in Seoul Korean is subject to both gradient reduction and categorical deletion and that younger speakers exhibit a significantly larger articulatory gestures for /w/ after a bilabial than older generation, which is consistent with the pattern of phonological change found in the corpus study. This dissertation demonstrates the importance of using both corpus and articulatory data in the investigation of a change, finding the coexistence of gradient and categorical effects in segmental deletion processes. Finally, it advances our understanding of the outcome of migration-induced dialect contact in contemporary urban settings

Effectiveness of manual gesture treatment on residual /r/ articulation errors

The functional speech sound disorder, American English /r/ articulation errors, presents a unique and confounding clinical challenge as therapy resistant residual errors persist into adolescence and adulthood in many cases. Finding paucity of empirical research for /r/ treatment, evidence-based practice (EBP) exploration in motor-related disorders informed clinical practice and research directions. This study investigated the efficacy of manual mimicry (a kinesthetic, gestural, and visual cue) in treating intractable /r/ errors in a young adult using a single subject ABAB design. Perceptual accuracy judgments of three types of listeners (experts, graduate clinician, and naïve listeners) indicated a positive treatment effect of manual mimicry cueing on vocalic /r/ sound productions. Electropalatograpy (EPG) outcome measures showed limited ability to accurately reflect perceptual changes quantitatively. These findings from an exploratory study provide initial evidence that perceptual saliency of /r/ productions may be potentially remediated using a kinesthetic, gestural, and visual cue during treatment

The phonetics and phonology of retroflexes : Fonetiek en fonologie van retroflexen (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands)

At the outset of this dissertation one might pose the question why retroflex consonants should still be of interest for phonetics and for phonological theory since ample work on this segmental class already exists. Bhat (1973) conducted a quite extensive study on retroflexion that treated the geographical spread of this class, some phonological processes its members can undergo, and the phonetic motivation for these processes. Furthermore, several phonological representations of retroflexes have been proposed in the framework of Feature Geometry, as in work by Sagey (1986), Pulleyblank (1989), Gnanadesikan (1993), and Clements (2001). Most recently, Steriade (1995, 2001) has discussed the perceptual cues of retroflexes and has argued that the distribution of these cues can account for the phonotactic restrictions on retroflexes and their assimilatory behaviour. Purely phonetically oriented studies such as Dixit (1990) and Simonsen, Moen & Cowen (2000) have shown the large articulatory variation that can be found for retroflexes and hint at the insufficiency of existing definitions

The principle of least effort within the hierarchy of linguistic preferences: external evidence from English

The thesis is an investigation of the principle of least effort (Zipf 1949 [1972]). The principle is simple (all effort should be least) and universal (it governs the totality of human behavior). Since the principle is also functional, the thesis adopts a functional theory of language as its theoretical framework, i.e. Natural Linguistics. The explanatory system of Natural Linguistics posits that higher principles govern preferences, which, in turn, manifest themselves as concrete, specific processes in a given language. Therefore, the thesis’ aim is to investigate the principle of least effort on the basis of external evidence from English. The investigation falls into the three following strands: the investigation of the principle itself, the investigation of its application in articulatory effort and the investigation of its application in phonological processes. The structure of the thesis reflects the division of its broad aims. The first part of the thesis presents its theoretical background (Chapter One and Chapter Two), the second part of the thesis deals with application of least effort in articulatory effort (Chapter Three and Chapter Four), whereas the third part discusses the principle of least effort in phonological processes (Chapter Five and Chapter Six). Chapter One serves as an introduction, examining various aspects of the principle of least effort such as its history, literature, operation and motivation. It overviews various names which denote least effort, explains the origins of the principle and reviews the literature devoted to the principle of least effort in a chronological order. The chapter also discusses the nature and operation of the principle, providing numerous examples of the principle at work. It emphasizes the universal character of the principle from the linguistic field (low-level phonetic processes and language universals) and the non-linguistic ones (physics, biology, psychology and cognitive sciences), proving that the principle governs human behavior and choices. Chapter Two provides the theoretical background of the thesis in terms of its theoretical framework and discusses the terms used in the thesis’ title, i.e. hierarchy and preference. It justifies the selection of Natural Linguistics as the thesis’ theoretical framework by outlining its major assumptions and demonstrating its explanatory power. As far as the concepts of hierarchy and preference are concerned, the chapter provides their definitions and reviews their various understandings via decision theories and linguistic preference-based theories. Since the thesis investigates the principle of least effort in language and speech, Chapter Three considers the articulatory aspect of effort. It reviews the notion of easy and difficult sounds and discusses the concept of articulatory effort, overviewing its literature as well as various understandings in a chronological fashion. The chapter also presents the concept of articulatory gestures within the framework of Articulatory Phonology. The thesis’ aim is to investigate the principle of least effort on the basis of external evidence, therefore Chapters Four and Six provide evidence in terms of three experiments, text message studies (Chapter Four) and phonological processes in English (Chapter Six). Chapter Four contains evidence for the principle of least effort in articulation on the basis of experiments. It describes the experiments in terms of their predictions and methodology. In particular, it discusses the adopted measure of effort established by means of the effort parameters as well as their status. The statistical methods of the experiments are also clarified. The chapter reports on the results of the experiments, presenting them in a graphical way and discusses their relation to the tested predictions. Chapter Four establishes a hierarchy of speakers’ preferences with reference to articulatory effort (Figures 30, 31). The thesis investigates the principle of least effort in phonological processes, thus Chapter Five is devoted to the discussion of phonological processes in Natural Phonology. The chapter explains the general nature and motivation of processes as well as the development of processes in child language. It also discusses the organization of processes in terms of their typology as well as the order in which processes apply. The chapter characterizes the semantic properties of processes and overviews Luschützky’s (1997) contribution to NP with respect to processes in terms of their typology and incorporation of articulatory gestures in the concept of a process. Chapter Six investigates phonological processes. In particular, it identifies the issues of lenition/fortition definition and process typology by presenting the current approaches to process definitions and their typology. Since the chapter concludes that no coherent definition of lenition/fortition exists, it develops alternative lenition/fortition definitions. The chapter also revises the typology of phonological processes under effort management, which is an extended version of the principle of least effort. Chapter Seven concludes the thesis with a list of the concepts discussed in the thesis, enumerates the proposals made by the thesis in discussing the concepts and presents some questions for future research which have emerged in the course of investigation. The chapter also specifies the extent to which the investigation of the principle of least effort is a meaningful contribution to phonology

The relation between acoustic and articulatory variation in vowels : data from American and Australian English

In studies of dialect variation, the articulatory nature of vowels is sometimes inferred from formant values using the following heuristic: F1 is inversely correlated with tongue height and F2 is inversely correlated with tongue backness. This study compared vowel formants and corresponding lingual articulation in two dialects of English, standard North American English and Australian English. Five speakers of North American English and four speakers of Australian English were recorded producing multiple repetitions of ten monophthongs embedded in the /sVd/ context. Simultaneous articulatory data were collected using electromagnetic articulography. Results show that there are significant correlations between tongue position and formants in the direction predicted by the heuristic but also that the relations implied by the heuristic break down under specific conditions. Articulatory vowel spaces, based on tongue dorsum (TD) position, and acoustic vowel spaces, based on formants, show systematic misalignment due in part to the influence of other articulatory factors, including lip rounding and tongue curvature on formant values. Incorporating these dimensions into our dialect comparison yields a richer description and a more robust understanding of how vowel formant patterns are reproduced within and across dialects