Body of the Nation - Corporeality, Territory, Performance: Palestine and Israel

The thesis is rooted in the study of the complicated relationships between the body and territory - and by extension, the body and the nation - in Palestine and Israel. This framework allows me to elaborate a more detailed study of the Palestinian suicide bomber, considered in relation to the occupation of Palestinian-inhabited territory in the West Bank and Gaza. I draw on examples from visual culture in which the deceased suicide bomber is commemorated as a martyr, in this way presenting an idealized image of the Palestinian nation. I argue that there is a relationship between territory, the "body" of the nation, and the body of the suicide bomber/martyr, and one in which ideals of self-sacrifice and resistance are performed by the martyr. In so doing I theorize the performance of martyrdom, the staging of the self as a martyr by the suicide bomber to be, as a type of subject formation under occupation, and as the enactment of a resistant subjectivity. This study asserts that the actions of the Palestinian suicide bomber are intentional and linked to territorial encroachment on Palestinian lands. In so doing it positions itself in opposition to a majority of the research literature on the subject. This research makes an innovative contribution to the study of Palestinian martyrdom by removing the suicide bomber from its primary field of study in the West, terrorism and security studies, and situating it within the realm performance studies. It proposes new understandings of the Palestinian suicide bomber, considered in terms of corporeality, performance, intentionality and subjectivity. Additionally the thesis considers performance as a research methodology. The elaboration of my theoretical propositions emerged in part through performance, the staging of myself in a mimetic attempt to put myself in the place of the Palestinian martyr. Through performance I "act out" material under consideration in the thesis while also positioning myself in relation to it. In this way I insert myself into the thesis as a critical and positioned subject. The notion of the positioned subject is also central to the practice el"ement, where I use performance to position myself outside of mainstream North American Jewish identity. I perform various Others of my own Jewish identity, in this way asserting a resistant subjectivity

Spartan Daily, August 30, 1996

Volume 107, Issue 3https://scholarworks.sjsu.edu/spartandaily/8859/thumbnail.jp

January 30, 2006

The Breeze is the student newspaper of James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia

The Impact of the Separation Wall on the Social Capital of the Palestinians in East Jerusalem and the West Bank

This doctoral thesis is about the study of the social capital, its effects on the local development and on the socio-economic resilience of the Palestinians trapped, socially, politically, and economically, in the East Jerusalem's al-'Eizariyah area. The transformation of al-'Eizariyah since 2002 through the Israeli encroachment on Palestinian land by instrumental use of the Separation Wall policies were analyzed and re-stated through the lenses of the sociological theory and concepts. Based on the accounts of life stories and interviews with various members of the al-'Eizariyah's former and current community and through the visual data of the changes in al-'Eizariyah and the areas adjacent to the Separation Wall an analysis of the Palestinian coping and survival strategies was undertaken. The thesis demonstrates how the reality of al-'Eizariyah was changed dramatically in the last two decades despite and in the opposite direction of the Oslo Accords of 1993. To be sure, al-‘Eizariyah, which is located two miles east of Jerusalem, had expanded to adjust to the economic boom of the early post-Oslo years coupled with the political expectations of it being part of the future Palestinian capital. This was disrupted by the failure of the Oslo Accords, and the construction of the Israeli Separation Wall in 2002, which served as an instrument of intimidation and harassment to make Palestinians leave Jerusalem, as this thesis demonstrates. The Wall did not only cut off al-'Eizariyah from the main road that used to connect East Jerusalem to Jericho. The Wall's more sinister and long-term damage has been in the physical and psychological isolation of al-‘Eizariyah and in preventing its residents from being fully integrated in the economic, social, cultural, and political life of the East Jerusalem and of the West Bank. This two-sided effect of the Separation Wall started when most of the people who used to work in East Jerusalem and Israel lost their Jobs, students could no longer study in Jerusalem and had to change schools; the sick no longer could use the healthcare facilities, etc. Former residents of al-'Eizariyah could no longer do any of these basic necessities neither their shopping and entertainment in Jerusalem freely without being humiliated with denial of access to Jerusalem based on the persons' ability to present a Blue ID at the checkpoint, the only ID that is recognized by the Israeli regime. While some social capital forms helped in coping with the difficulties caused by this new reality it was the difference in the pre- and post-Wall situations that were examined in order to understand the impact of the adversity represented by the Wall on the social capital of the Palestinians. The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate the implications of the construction of the Wall on the socio-economic life of al-‘Eizariyah residents and to study the Israel-Palestine conflict from sociological lens using a case study setting and qualitative analysis approach. This thesis demonstrates positive impact of the Wall on social capital types by where the bonding social capital became stronger yet the trend got reversed. At the community level, the challenges were too large to be handled only by bonding social capital. Therefore, there is a combined effort between the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the local civil society associations and the private sector to overcome problems related to education, health care services, trade and labor in addition to social security caused by the Wall. It was found that bridging social capital and linking social capital were strongly present after the Wall was completed. Although civil society associations are strongly present in al-‘Eizariyah but because the Palestinian society is structured along patrimonial, familial, clannish, tribal and contradictory geographical cleavages, most of these associations work in a way that transformed the intended outcome of bridging social capital to some kind of bonding social capital as the beneficiaries and the participants are mostly from their family, clan members, or those who belong to the same political party, and not the community as a whole. However, observations and the empirical evidence show that bonding is stronger than bridging social capital. The social fragmentation caused by several social forces such as the local-stranger relationship, between the locals of al-‘Eizariyah and the displaced residents, prevented efficient cooperation in solving community problems. Lack of the sense of belonging is not only because the locals always express superiority over the displaced, but also because the displaced themselves do not want to lose their rooted original identity, especially the refugees who settled in the town after the 1948 war. This had a great overall impact on the unity of the Palestinian society especially that ‘the refugees’ communities constitute approximately 42 percent of the total population of the West Bank. The future challenge of the Palestinians in areas such as al-‘Eizariyah is to find ways of detecting defragmentation and manipulation policies and develop strategies that would prevent defragmentation of the Palestinians being orchestrated by the Israeli Wall policies and that only become apparent with a time lapse when it can be too late.I am grateful and indebted to Prof. Giuseppe Folloni for his stand and continuous support and efforts. My deepest gratitude goes to my supervisor Dr. Natalia Magnani for her invaluable comments, insightful and constructive suggestions, patience and encouragements

IMPROVING POPULATION HEALTH BY ADDRESSING SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF MENTAL HEALTH

This study examined the social determinants of mental health as influential factors on health outcomes. Three research studies comprised the dissertation. The first study was a systematic review that identified factors linking common mental disorders to the incidence of the four most prevalent non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Interventions to prevent poor health should target smokers, the elderly, women, and individuals with fewer than 12 years of schooling, according to findings. The second mixed-method study found that the pandemic and its control measures negatively impacted social determinants of mental health and health outcomes, with women, children and informal workers in Gaza being most affected. Some of the strategies deployed by the United Nations for the Relief and Works Agency in the Near East (UNRWA), such as the use of telemedicine, warrant further investigation for efficiency and acceptability. The third study assessed UNRWA's mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) response addressing the social determinants of mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic. During Group Model Building (GMB) workshops, participants shared their perspectives on what UNRWA did and how it addressed the vulnerabilities of Palestine refugees in Gaza during the health crisis. Findings suggested improving community wellbeing and enhancing staff support for better future pandemic preparedness. The PhD concludes that addressing social determinants of mental health is a joint responsibility between state and non-state actors and that it is necessary to reduce health inequities to lessen the global burden of disease. In addition to rigorous testing and contact tracing, addressing these determinants during crises, for example by distributing financial aid to poor families and strengthening social services, should be bolstered. This is especially important because evidence suggests that enhancing the socioeconomic status of individuals reduces health inequities and improves health outcomes

International humanitarian law violations occurring within the occupied Palestinian territories during the years 1982-2012

Magister Philosophiae - MPhilThe purpose of this mini-thesis is to address International Humanitarian Law (IHL) violations occurring within the Occupied Palestinian Territories relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war. Importantly, various IHL violations that occur within the Green Line will be expanded upon. The mini-thesis will shed light on the lack of international action, specifically the inaction of the UN and the ICRC, in ending the decades of IHL violations by both the Israeli and Palestinian forces. As a means to an end, further destruction of property and loss of life that inhibits the quality of life of Palestinians and Israeli citizens trapped within the ongoing conflict, this mini-thesis will endeavour to provide solutions to ending the occupation. These solutions include: a UN Resolution directed toward the demolition of the wall; establishing permanent means of access to all basic needs; and lastly, addressing the influence of the United States of America (USA) and Egypt, respectively

The resettlement of the Palestinian refugees of the Gaza Strip

This thesis examines the political and socioeconomic consequences of Israeli policies of resettlement on the Palestine refugees in the Gaza Strip. It does so by arguing that the resettlement schemes undertaken by the Israeli authorities in the Gaza Strip are part of a continuous policy to further disperse the Palestinian refugees. This policy has its roots in Herzl's early call to expel Palestinians from Palestine, and materializes in the 1948 exodus. The thesis argues that political, military and socioeconomic measures undertaken by the Israeli authorities do not conform with their humanitarian claims -to improve the living conditions of Gaza Strip refugees. Israeli measures can instead be seen to conform to a type of modern counter-insurgency doctrine, promoted by security forces, in response to revolutionary guerrilla warfare or insurgency. The concept of resettlement, it is suggested, is an integral part of this doctrine. The primary research findings demonstrate that the "civic action" projects, ostensibly designed to improve the living conditions of Gaza Strip refugees, have not succeeded in meeting their real purpose, that of pacification. Instead, the repressive military and political measures used by the Israeli military authorities have sharpened the military and political consciousness of all Gaza refugees. Indeed, by maintaining the cohesive cultural and political identity, the refugees relocated to the housing projects have thwarted the Israeli policy of divide and rule, contributing as much to the strength of the Palestinian national movement as their compatriots remaining in the refugee camps

The BG News November 6, 2008

The BGSU campus student newspaper November 6, 2008. Volume 99 - Issue 51https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/bg-news/8991/thumbnail.jp