Moving Toward Global Feminism: Consciousness of Borders and Implementing Angry Feminism

In this Thesis, I argue that in order to get to global feminism, there must be a consciousness of borders, such as racism, islamophobia, sexism, etc, and there must be an implementation of angry feminism to combat patriarchal systems. In Chapter One: Moving Toward A More Global Feminism, I introduce theorists Said, Djebar, Spivak, and Mohanty, to lay the groundwork for understanding those borders. In Chapter Two: Under The Western Gaze: An Example of One Arab-American Woman\u27s Experience in the United States, I examine Laila Lalami\u27s The Other Americans and apply the theorists\u27 ideas from Chapter One: Moving Toward A More Global Feminism. In Chapter Three: Angry Feminism in the Arab World: An Inspiration for Women in the United States, I argue that feminist activists in the Arab world are making great strides toward global feminism, and their activism and implementation of what I term angry feminism can be inspirational for women living in the United States. In order to get to a more global form of feminism, borders must be transcended and anger must move to the forefront

Identity crisis: how ideological and rhetorical failures cost Egyptians their revolution

Thesis (M.A.) University of Alaska Fairbanks, 2019The Egyptian uprising, which began on January 25, 2011, and ended on February 11, 2011, culminated in the ending of President Hosni Mubarak's 30-year reign as dictator. After free elections in which the Muslim Brotherhood ascended to power in the country, they were ousted in a military coup d'état only one year after their ascension to power and were replaced by former military general Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi. The symptoms which led the country to rise up against Mubarak continue to exist under el-Sisi today, indicating that no revolution really took place. This paper answers the question, "why did the revolution fail?", offering a rhetorical reason for the revolution's failure. The uprisings, which were billed as decentralized, offer unique opportunities for analysis of rhetorical strategy. This paper uses the reconstitutive-discourse model, a critical model which examines a rhetor's reconstitution of their audience's character, to examine the rhetoric of three different parties in the revolution. First, it examines the rhetoric of all protestors irrespective of source via Twitter and on the ground protestors; next it looks at the rhetoric of Wael Ghonim, who is credited with instigating the uprisings, and Mohammed ElBaradei, an influential figure who became interim vice-president in the aftermath of the uprisings. The study found that first, the uprisings were not really decentralized and indeed has leaders. Further, rhetorical failures on the part of its leaders caused the uprisings to fail in their goal of democratic revolution

Un-Veiling Women’s Rights in the ‘War on Terrorism’

This thesis consists of an introductory chapter and four self-contained papers on temporary work agenciesand the economic analysis of law. Paper [I] adds to the theoretical literature on the incentives of Temporary Work Agencies (TWAs). Using aprincipal-agent model with hidden action to model two main types of contracts between a TWA and a ClientFirm (CF), the TWA is shown to potentially act against the best interest of the CF when helping to fill avacant position. The results also suggest that the adverse effect of the incentive misalignment is larger whenthe worker is going to be leased instead of hired by the CF. However, this effect could potentially be offsetby introducing a sufficient level of competition among the TWAs. Paper [II] uses individual-level data on young adults to estimate how the probability of being employed inthe Swedish temporary agency sector is affected by whether a partner or other family member has experienceof temporary agency work. The results show a significant effect from all peer groups of a magnitude thatcorrespond to the other most influential control variables. We also find that this cohort of the agency sectorhas a relatively high education level compared to the regular sector, and that there are predominately menworking in thissector. Paper [III] analyses possible effects on total employment, and the distribution between agency work andregular contracts as a consequence of the implementation of the EU Temporary and Agency Workers Directive in Sweden. The analysis is based on changes in the compensation to agency workers in a calibratedextension of a Mortensen-Pissarides search model. Even though the results suggest a negative net effect ontotal employment, the implementation is shown to increase (utilitarian) welfare, and an increased transitionprobability from the agency sector into regular employment will increase welfare even further. Paper [IV] focuses on settlement probabilities for different types of representation within the Swedish LabourCourt. Empirical estimates on a set of unjust dismissal cases show that private representatives are generallyless likely to reach a settlement than their union counterparts. The settlement probabilities converge following court-mandated information disclosure, which suggests that information asymmetry is an importantfactor in explaining differences in settlement behaviour. Privately instigated negotiations are therefore ingeneral insufficient for making cases with non-union representation reach the same settlement rate as caseswith union representation

Why are there No Great, Female, and Egyptian Scholars?

This essay is a study on the topics that Egyptian women shine their lights on. I write this because I identify as an Egyptian woman, and I never hear these women’s names during my scholarship. I hope readers receive a sense of individualism for the “othered” women who write their ways out of their binds. My topic is crucial because Egyptian women are bound to either sexism in their own culture and racism in others, which begs my theory of a third space

The control of the body and sexuality: A sign of submission or liberation?

Este artículo tratará de analizar la tensión entre tradición y modernidad y cómo estas dos narrativas convergentes revelan un tenso debate sobre el cuerpo de la mujer en la región de MENA en general y en Marruecos en particular. Se describe cómo las mujeres tienen más oportunidades de educación y de disfrutar de derechos legales más fuertes y cómo algunas han adquirido liderazgo en diversos campos, incluso en aquellos dominados principalmente por hombres. Sin embargo, las mujeres siguen enfrentándose a la opresión, alimentada por una mezcla de cultura y religión que las degrada. Trataremos cómo en los últimos años las distintas formas de llevar el velo por parte de las mujeres musulmana ha estado en el epicentro de muchas disputas y controversias en el mundo occidental. Mientras que muchas mujeres musulmanas deciden usar el velo de acuerdo a su interpretación del Corán, o la de su imam, otras lo hacen como una seña de elección personal. Sin embargo, los no musulmanes a menudo ven el velo, particularmente los que cubren la mayor parte del cuerpo y/o el rostro, como una señal de opresión religiosa. Otros creen que el velo es una señal de radicalización, un movimiento hacia el islamismo.This article will endeavor to analyze the tension between tradition and modernity and how these two converging narratives reveal a tense debate about the body of women in the MENA in general and Morocco in particular. The article will explore how women have more opportunities for education and enjoy stronger legal rights and how some have even acquired leadership in different fields, even those fields that were mainly male-dominated. Yet, women still face oppression fueled by a mix of culture and religion that debase them. We will deal with how in recent years the various forms of scarves worn by Muslim women have been at the center of many disputes and controversies throughout the Western world. While many Muslim women choose to wear the headscarves in accordance with their -- or their imam's -- interpretation of the Quran, others do so as a sign of personal choice. However, non-Muslims often see the veils (particularly those that cover most of the body and/or face) as a sign of religious oppression. Others believe the veils are a sign of radicalization, a move to Islamism

IS THE TABOO OF FEMALE SEXUALITY THE SOLE REASON FOR THE CONTINUATION OF FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION IN EGYPT?

As the first conviction of FGM in the U.K. proves, female genital mutilation is a ‘harmful cultural practice’ that persists across the world. Egypt has one of the highest rates of FGM in the world. Based on a variety of different studies and questionnaires undertaken in doctors’ surgeries and hospitals across the country, three clear reasons are given for the continuation of the practice. These are the belief that it is decreed by Islam, that it is a tradition and to preserve young women’s chastity as it would reduce their sexual desire. The overarching theme of these justifications is the fear and control of female sexuality, given the teachings of modesty in the Qur’an and the importance of chastity in order to obtain a good marriage in Egyptian society. However, the Qur’an does not condone female genital mutilation or mention it. Additionally, the Qur’an promotes sexual fulfilment and positivity within the confines of marriage for both men and women which directly conflicts with the consequences of FGM. The importance of honour and the preservation of chastity in Egyptian society continues to prevail in modern Egyptian society, and medicalisation legitimises the practice among the educated elite. However, this work hopes to prove that certain interpretations of certain aspects of the Qur’an and the hadith and Sunnah have led to the need to control female sexuality, and these beliefs are intertwined with tradition and result in the continuation of female genital mutilation in Egypt

It’s not about the Burqa: Muslim Women on Faith, Feminism, Sexuality and Race: Book Review

This book review presents a brief synthesis of the lived narratives of Muslim women presented in It's not about the Burqa. The review also includes a critical reading of those narratives as well as some linguistic decisions the book editor, Mariam Khan, makes in her adopted representational politics.&nbsp

Women\u27s Rights Movements in the \u27Arab Spring\u27: Major Victories or Failures for Human Rights?

With the 2011 “Arab Spring”, the issue of women’s empowerment has emerged as a parallel movement in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). What are the implications of the women’s empowerment movements in the MENA for improved political representation and rights? Do these developments contribute to long-term socio-political, legal, judicial, and economic reforms that would improve overall human rights, and especially women’s rights in the MENA? This paper is a comparative survey of women’s empowerment and rights, especially in terms of general human rights principles, as well as in terms of political representation in post-revolution Tunisia and Egypt. The level of analysis is Amartya Sen’s theories of “development as freedom”. Applying Sen’s freedom-based development theories, focusing on women’s agency in attaining rights and freedoms for the broader goal of human rights and socioeconomic development accounts for the uniqueness of this study

Exploring the Absence of a Black Lives Matter Movement in Egypt

Movements combating racial segregation have existed for centuries, persisting even through tough circumstances such as a global pandemic. The process of examining calls for racial equality throughout history, such as the remarkable 1960s American Civil Rights and the 21st century BLM movements, can unravel the fundamental elements behind the success of a movement. The presence of audible black voices, massive media coverage and social awareness have proven to be essential in the upheaval of a movement. The fact that Egypt lacks black celebrities, uncensored media and any affiliation to dark-skinned individuals and/or Africans, helps to perpetuate the injustice suffered by the estimated 3 million black African refugees in Egypt. This paper intends to analyze the possible factors which lead to a successful movement through a comparative study of Egypt and the U.S. in an attempt to understand racial injustice and the absence of BLM in Egypt