Collision attack on NaSHA-512

The hash function NaSHA is a new algorithm proposed for SHA-3. It follows the wide-pipe structure and compression function adopts quasigroup transformations. These properties of operation in quasigroup raise obstacles to analysis. However, The high probability difference to cause inner collision can be found in the quasigroup transformations. We propose a collision attack to NaSHA-512 with the complexity is 2^{192}, which is lower than the complexity of birthday attack to NaSHA-512. Using the similar method, we can find free-start collision on all versions with negligible complexity

Collision Attacks on NaSHA-384/512

NaSHA is a family of hash functions submitted by Markovski and Mileva as a SHA-3 candidate. In this paper, we present a collision attack on the hash function NaSHA for the output sizes 384-bit and 512-bit. This attack is based on the the weakness in the generate course of the state words and the fact that the quasigroup operation used in the compression function is only determined by partial state words. Its time complexity is about $2^{128}$ with negligible memory and its probability is more than $(1- \frac{2}{{2^{64} - 1}})^2$ ($\gg \frac{1}{2}$). This is currently by far the best known cryptanalysis result on this SHA-3 candidate

NaSHA

We propose the NaSHA-(m, k, r) family of cryptographic hash functions, based on quasigroup transformations. We use huge quasigroups defined by extended Feistel networks from small bijections and a novel design principle: the quasigroup used in every iteration of the compression function is different and depends on the processed message block. We present in all details of the implementations of NaSHA-(m, 2, 6) where m in {224, 256, 384, 512}

Lightning Network

The thesis describes a solution to the scalability problem of the cryptocurrency Bitcoin. Some of the key elements that cryptocurrencies use are hash functions and public key cryptography. Technology that constitutes the basis, all cryptocurrenciencies are built upon, is Blockchain. The mechanisms that make it safe and useful in networks without the central authority are the ones that also limit the number of transactions that are possible. The main topic of the thesis is Lightning Network, a solution that uses a network of payment channels to allow for larger quantities of transactions to be processed. We focus on the new mechanism, channels with descending timelocks, that promises secure offchain transactions

Strikes in Russia : the case of the coal-mining industry

This thesis presents an analysis of the character and significance of strikes in post- Soviet Russia on the basis of a series of case studies of strikes in the coal-mining industry. The central argument of the thesis is that the patterns of strike activity have been conditioned by the forms of management and financing of the coal-mining industry and by the strategy of the mining industry trade unions. Following a review of the sociological and industrial relations literature on strikes, the thesis opens with a detailed study of the 1989 miners' strike in Kuzbass. Here it is shown that the original demands of the miners were taken up and generalised by the structures of branch and local administrative power, and the strike was thereby assimilated into the traditional structures of branch and regional lobbying for resources in Moscow. This set the pattern for the subsequent organisation of strikes in the state and state-subsidised sectors of the economy. The coincidence of interests of miners with the branch and regional authorities in 1989 was determined by the centralised management and financing of the coal-mining industry. The system of subsidies to the industry reproduced this structure even after the `transition to a market economy', although the financial and political weakening of the state amid intensified competition for resources made it increasingly difficult for the state to meet all the demands put on it. An analysis of the 1993 miners' strike in Ukrainian Donbass shows how these constraints meant that the miners were used by the directors to achieve their own ends. This is followed by an account of the relationship between the lobbying activity of the coal-mining industry, conflicts within the government apparatus, changing forms of financing of the industry and the organisation of nation-wide miners' actions, centred on the 1995 and 1996 miners' strikes. The changes in the system of management and financing of the coal-mining industry meant that the trade unions sought to contain conflict within the enterprise in the attempt to concentrate their efforts on regional and national campaigns in collaboration with management. The final three substantive chapters of the thesis explore the implications of the increasing isolation and fragmentation of the miners through a series of case studies of strikes in Kuzbass and Rostov over the period 1997-9. The final chapter draws together the general themes addressed in the thesis

Holland City News, Volume 85, Number 5: February 2, 1956

Newspaper published in Holland, Michigan, from 1872-1977, to serve the English-speaking people in Holland, Michigan. Purchased by local Dutch language newspaper, De Grondwet, owner in 1888.https://digitalcommons.hope.edu/hcn_1956/1004/thumbnail.jp

On a Conditional Collision Attack on NaSHA-512

A collision attack on NaSHA-512 was proposed by L. Ji et al. The claimed complexity of the attack is 2^{192}. The proposed attack is realized by using a suitable differential pattern. In this note we show that the correct result that can be inferred from their differential pattern is in fact a conditional one. It can be stated correctly as follows: A collision attack on NaSHA-512 of complexity k = 1, 2, ... 2^{320} can be performed with an unknown probability of success p_k, where 0 <= p_1 <=p_2 <= p_2^{320} <= 1. Consequently, the attack proposed by L. Ji et al. can be considered only as a direction how a possible collision attack on NaSHA-512 could be realized. The birthday attack remains the best possible attack on NaSHA-512

The Tsar, The Empire, and The Nation

This collection of essays addresses the challenge of modern nationalism to the tsarist Russian Empire. First appearing on the empire’s western periphery, this challenge was most prevalent in twelve provinces extending from Ukrainian lands in the south to the Baltic provinces in the north, and to the Kingdom of Poland. At issue is whether the late Russian Empire entered World War I as a multiethnic state with many of its age-old mechanisms run by a multiethnic elite, or as a Russian state predominantly managed by ethnic Russians. The tsarist vision of prioritizing loyalty among all subjects over privileging ethnic Russians and discriminating against non-Russians faced a fundamental problem: as soon as the opportunity presented itself, non-Russians would increase their demands and become increasingly separatist. The authors found that although the imperial government did not really identify with popular Russian nationalism, it sometimes ended up implementing policies promoted by Russian nationalist proponents. Matters addressed include native language education, interconfessional rivalry, the “Jewish question,” the origins of mass tourism in the western provinces, and the emergence of Russian nationalist attitudes in the aftermath of the first Russian revolution

The Ottoman-Russian relations between the years 1774-1787

Ankara : The Department of International Relations, Bilkent University , 2008.Thesis (Master's) -- Bilkent University, 2008.Includes bibliographical references leaves 141-154.In this work, the diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and Russia during the late 18th century will be analyzed. This study will cover the period from 1774 to 1787, starting with the signing of the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca, ending with the declaration of the Ottoman-Russian war of 1787-1792. During this thirteen years period, there was an intense rivalry between the two empires, most importantly over Crimea and also over the Caucasus and the Balkans. There were many instances during which the two empires came to the brink of a new war. As a consequence of the international politics of the period, Russia and the Porte were remained relatively alone in their struggle and the Great Powers of Europe isolated from the collision of these two empires because of their hostilities among each other. iv This period witnessed the beginning of Russia’s superiority over the Ottoman Empire and the conflicts between these two Empires paved the way to a new war in 1787.Özer, AbdürrahimM.S

The generation of Allende and Solidarność. Leftist dissidents, reform socialism and the intellectual elite in Moscow during the late Brezhnev era

This thesis presents a cultural history of the Young Socialists, a left-wing dissident circle that was active in Moscow at the end of the Brezhnev era. Mainly from highly placed intelligentsia and party nomenklatura families, the core of the Young Socialists first met as students in the Faculty of History of Moscow State University (MGU) in the early-1970s. At the time of their dissent (1977-1982) the circle’s leaders, Andrei Fadin and Pavel Kudiukin, were graduate students at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO). The wider circle, which numbered roughly fifty people, were mainly young left-wing intellectuals in Moscow linked by a mix of everyday life associations and underground conspiracy. The Young Socialists published the samizdat journal Varianty (Variants), an internally circulated theoretical almanac that was dedicated to the elaboration of a programme of reform for the Soviet Union. The circle’s undertakings were both domestic in scope and transnational through their efforts to establish connections with the Polish trade union Solidarność and the Italian Communist Party. Using oral history sources and archival materials from Russia and a number of European countries, I reconstruct how the Young Socialists’ worldviews and cultural practices formed under the influence of Soviet and transnational forces during late stagnation. Locating them at the intersection of reformist cultures in the Soviet political-intellectual establishment, the dissident movement and the social milieu of elite youth of the last Soviet generation, I view the Young Socialists as the second generation of socialist dissent. In doing so, I explore how they drew on the reformist intellectual heritage of the shestidesiatniki and used the samizdat networks and other communication channels developed by the first generation of dissidents. In particular, at a time when left-wing ideas had fallen out of fashion among wider society, I focus on the transmission of lived experience from older socialist intellectuals to these younger dissidents to explain the transfer of socialist dissent into the next generation. Against the backdrop of Soviet decline, the Young Socialists drew inspiration for their views from foreign leftist movements. Viewing the international landscape at the turn of the 1980s, they perceived the existence of a European reformist Left that was loosely linked in an internationalism that was sympathetic to Eastern Bloc dissent. While emphasising the advanced character of the Young Socialists’ understandings of the outside world relative to earlier generations of socialist dissent, my account also considers their limitations. Looking ahead to Perestroika, I consider how the experience of socialist dissent accelerated the former Young Socialists’ adoption of social democratic and new leftist identities. This thesis enhances understandings of socialist dissent. It introduces new perspectives on the reformist currents in the Soviet intellectual elite beyond Gorbachev’s network of reformers. Finally, it expands understandings of the forms of political engagement that occurred within the last Soviet generation