The Rise of a Middle Class and the Changing Concept of Equity in Indonesia: An Interpretation

Page range: 71-9

Identity on the line : a historical-cultural study of the Indonesian-state ideology of Pancasila

Bibliography: leaves 96-100.Pancasila, literally meaning "Five Principles", is the philosophical basis on which the modem Republic of Indonesia was established. It was devised in order to fulfil the goals and ends of independence. One such goal is the establishment of religious harmony and tolerance in national life. The aims of this thesis are, in the first place, to explore the importance of such a system as Pancasila, and to provide emphatic interpretation of Pancasila which in essence discloses the dynamics of religious interaction in Indonesia. This thesis is divided into two parts. The first part is dealing with the historical context out of which Pancasila was found. Here, it is ultimately concerned with the question of the genealogy of Pancasila. It is also dealing with the question of how Sukarno -the first Indonesian president and the father of Pancasila- laid its foundation. The second part is mainly concerned with the questions of, what the elements of Pancasila are, and through what mechanism Pancasila is maintained. Thus, while the first part is historical, the second is cultural, and examines Pancasila from the cultural point of view. Pancasila as a cultural system will be dealt with from two angles, namely Pancasila as an evaluative system, and Pancasila as a symbolic system

At the Sources of Indonesian Political Islam's Failure: The Split between the Nahdlatul Ulama and the Masyumi in Retrospect

This article intentionally emphasizes the analysis of the political context, while touching only slightly on sociological considerations. The fact that the sociological difrerences could be overcome, since the two currents once succeeded in uniting into Masyumi. Moreover, this article wanted to show common notions of basic disagreements, such as the oft-noted conflict where reformists frequently despise traditionalists' penchant for Sufism, for the supernatural and for the irrational, which they consider to be everywhere the "cause" of general backwardness of Muslim countries in terms of technology (kemunduran), while the latter tend to criticize reformists for their puritan behavior and for their great hostility to local tradition. Traditionalists also commonly blame reformists for their "dryness" (kekeringan), while the latter feel proud of being closer to a "pure" Middle-Eastern model. We have also tried to put aside considerations of class differences, traditionalists being generally closer to lower rural classes, modernists being more numerous in urban middle-clases. The purpose was to deal with the political context and the discourse on both sides to try and determine why political union failed despite the repeatedly heralded desire of unity.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v6i2.72

The image of the Incarnation as motif for development practice in West Java, Indonesia

Beginning with the proposition that the incarnation is not simply theologically descriptive but also strategically prescriptive, this thesis proposes utilising this motif in order to analyse and critique participatory development practice as it is undertaken today, both by Christians as well as those who are not. After first illustrating the value of incarnational involvement by presenting the results of field research undertaken amongst a particular community of the Sundanese people residing in a specific hamlet in the city of Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia, a template comprised of six distinguishing marks and three overarching characteristics is then developed in order to appraise the Incarnational motif in terms of its tangible applicability. Thereafter, four disciplines are examined and appraised in terms of their incarnational, participatory value-the discipline of development studies (focussing on the work of Robert Chambers), the discipline of anthropology (focussing on the work of Clifford Geertz), the logic of Critical Theory (focussing on the work of Jürgen Habermas) and the thought of a leading Indonesian Islamic theorist, Abdurrahman Wahid. Key, buttressing points in each of these are selected as sources of validation for the incarational motif. Furthermore, the image of participation found in each is critiqued by comparing them to the six distinguishing marks and the three overarching characteristics. Finally, a tangible example of incarnational participation previously undertaken in West Java, Indonesia by the author is offered as a picture of how the incarnational thesis might be utilised in social practice. Both the complexities encountered as well as promises experienced are highlighted so as to present a realistic and useful model

Auditoria unificada em módulos de segurança criptográfica

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Tecnológico, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência da Computação, Florianópolis, 2013Este trabalho tem como objetivo tornar a detecção da causa de ataques em HSMs uma informação de conhecimento dos proprietários de um dispositivo, sem que essa informação seja perdida. A auditoria e detecção de como um ataque ocorreu em um HSM não pode ser algo que se perde durante o ciclo de vida de um HSM.A proposta deste trabalho é unificar a auditoria de HSMs, para que um ataque que ocorreu no dispositivo possa ser detectado em qualquer momento do seu ciclo de vida. É necessário que o proprietário do HSM saiba que ataque ocorreu, quando ocorreu e quem executou o ataque.Para atingir este objetivo foi realizada a leitura do ciclo de vida de um HSM, apresentando as suas etapas. A partir de cada etapa do ciclo de vida é possível gerar rastros de auditoria, que podem ser utilizados a qualquer momento em um processo de auditoria.Para que os rastros de auditoria sejam gerados em HSMs e para que a auditoria unificada seja um padrão entre dispositivos, é necessário adequar as normas de homologação e padronização de HSMs para garantir a interoperabilidade entre os dispositivos. Este trabalho apresenta formas de se adequar as normas FIPS 140-2 e MCT 7 para que HSMs homologados sob essas normas possuam funcionalidades capazes de gerar rastros de auditoria.Abstract: The objective of this work is to make the cause of attacks an information that the HSM's owners will have access, without losing this information. The audit and detection of how an attack occurred in an HSM cannot lose itself during an HSM life-cycle. This work proposal is to unify the HSM audit, so that an attack that happened in the device can be detected in any moment of its life-cycle. The HSM owner needs to know that the attack happened, when it happened and who executed it. To achieve this objetive, the HSM life-cycle is presented with its stages. From every life-cycle stage it is possible to generate audit traces, that can be used at any momento in an audit process. To make sure that the audit traces are generated in HSMs and that the uni_ed audit is an standard in those devices, it is necessary to adapt the evaluation standards to guarantee the interoperability between those devices. This work presents ways of adapting the FIPS 140-2 and MCT 7 standards, so that the HSMs that are evaluated by these standards have functions that allow them to generate audit traces. Keywords: HSM, Hardware Security Module, Audi

The impact of democratisation on environmental governance in Indonesia: NGOs and forest policy networks

This thesis argues that democratisation affected environmental governance in Indonesia in two aspects: the development of environmental NGOs (ENGOs) and their involvement in policy networks. The former is analysed from three perspectives of social movement theories: `political opportunities', `framing' and `resource mobilisation'. The perspectives on the latter are derived from theories of the policy process: the `policy network' and Kingdon's `multiple streams'. Indonesian ENGOs developed significantly after the late 1980s, together with the democratisation movement. Democratic ideas `re-framed' environmental issues, which stimulated and politicised ENGO activities, while increasing `political opportunities' by shifting the values of government officials. They also enhanced ENGOs' accountability and their embedding in local communities. The democratisation of formal institutions after the late 1990s facilitated ENGO activities, but it was not the decisive factor for their development. Neither was economic growth: the impacts of economic changes were not straightforward. The case studies of the pulp-rayon company Indorayon and the policy-making process of participatory forestry in Wonosobo District show that the spread of democratic ideas resulted in the incorporation of ENGOs in policy networks, which had previously been a `politico-business oligarchy' in the authoritarian Suharto period, by increasing their resources, particularly `legitimacy'. Also, ENGOs significantly facilitated the inclusion of other actors in the networks. On the other hand, conventional informal institutions still remained and they constrained actors. This helped conventionally strong actors (e. g. the state and large businesses) to preserve their political leverage. The spread of democratic ideas influenced agenda-setting and policy formulation. It is suggested that utilitarian arguments for democratisation (i. e. democratisation for better ecological consequences) could produce policies that neglected the social aspect of sustainable development, which in turn negatively influenced their ecological and economic impacts. `Rights-based' arguments (e. g. participation is a right) seem more conducive to the efforts for sustainable development in the South

The political consequences of military operations in Indonesia 1945-99 : a fieldwork analysis of the political power-diffusion effects of guerilla conflict

Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author’s initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: • Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. • Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. • Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. • Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. • Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and Amsterdam) and the United Kingdom (London, Winchester, Salisbury and Warminster). Fieldwork was conducted over three periods in West Java (1994, 1995 and 1996) and one period in East Timor (1999-2000). General Results Obtained. The two principal case studies were the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-62 and the campaign in East Timor since 1974. The fieldwork data showed that low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 did indeed demonstrate the political power-diffusion effect posited by the author. This effect was triggered by the outbreak of guerrilla warfare, which itself flowed from crises generated by processes of modernisation and change within Indonesian society from traditional hierarchies to modern forms of social organisation. These crises were also affected by events at the systemic and regional levels of analysis – the invasion of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan, the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis and increasing economic and media globalisation. They resulted in a breakdown or weakening of formal power structures, allowing informal power structures to dominate. This in turn allowed local elites with economic, social or religious influence and with coercive power over the population, to develop political and military power at the local level while being subject to little control from higher levels. This process, then, represented a power diffusion from central and civilian leadership levels to local leaders with coercive means – most often military or insurgent leaders. Having been triggered by guerrilla operations, however, the direction and process by which such power diffusion operated was heavily influenced by contextual variables, of which the most important were geographical factors, political culture, traditional authority structures and the interaction of external variables at different levels of analysis. Topographical isolation, poor infrastructure, severe terrain, scattered population groupings and strong influence by traditional hierarchies tend to accelerate and exacerbate the loss of central control. Conversely good infrastructure, large population centres, good communications and a high degree of influence by nation-state and systemic levels of analysis – particularly through economic and governmental institutionalisation – tend to slow such diffusion. Moreover, while power may be diffusing at one level of analysis (e.g. nation-state) it may be centralising at another (e.g. into the hands of military leaders at local level). Analysis of the Malayan Emergency indicates that, in a comparable non-Indonesian historical example, the same general tendency to political power diffusion was evident and that the same broad contextual variables mediated it. However, it would be premature to conclude that the process observed in Indonesia is generally applicable. The nature and relative importance of contextual factors is likely to vary between examples and hence additional research on non-Indonesian examples would be necessary before such a conclusion could be drawn. Further research on a current instance of guerrilla operations in Indonesia is also essential before the broader contemporary applicability of these findings can be reliably demonstrated. Major Conclusions Reached. Based on the above, the theses developed to answer the initial problem can be stated thus: The command and control (C2) structures inherent in traditional, dispersed rural guerrilla movements that lack access to mass media or electronic communications tend to lessen the degree of control by central (military or political) leaders over regional leaders. If COIN or Internal Security Operations are conducted, two factors will operate. First, there will be an increase in the degree of control over the civil population by local military leaders, at the expense of local or central political leaders. Second, where military command structures are pyramidal or segmentary, there will be an increase in control by local commanders at the expense of central military leaders. Where the central government is civilian or has interests divergent from the military’s, the first of these factors will dominate. Where the government is military or has interests largely identical to those of the military, the second factor will be dominant. The process of power diffusion can thus be summarised as follows: A crisis driven by processes of societal change or by external causes, leads to the outbreak of violence, one facet of which may include guerrilla operations. If guerrilla operations do occur, the C2 structures inherent in such operations give a high degree of autonomy and independence to local military leaders. The same (or a contemporaneous) crisis produces a breakdown of formal power structures, causing organisations to fall back upon informal power structures. The nature of these informal power structures is determined by geography, political culture, patterns of traditional authority within the society and the degree of interaction of systemic/regional factors with local events. Thus the guerrilla operations and the concomitant breakdown in formal power structures form the trigger for political power diffusion. The precise nature and progress of this diffusion is then determined by contextual variables