1,631 research outputs found

    A candidate\u27s use of aggressive communication and the electorates\u27 response: Predicting presidential election outcomes

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    The purpose of this examination is to determine the role of verbal aggression in Presidential debates. Using six types of verbally aggressive messages, coders examined one Presidential debate from nine Presidential elections to determine the amount of verbal aggression used by each candidate. The findings from this examination indicate that there is a pattern for the use of verbal aggression in Presidential debates. Challengers use significantly more verbal aggression than incumbents while five of the nine elections had the winner using less verbally aggressive messages than the loser. Results of this study support the theory that challengers are forced to go on the attack and use verbal aggression more often than incumbents. Implications of the results and paths for further research are also offered

    Plataforma presidencial nas metas de educação do século 21

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    As social and economic problems change, so do the goals of education reformers. This content analysis of presidential debates transcripts, state of the union addresses, and education budgets from 2000 to 2015 reveals the ways in which presidents and presidential candidates have framed education goals thus far in the twenty-first century. Using Labaree’s (1997) framework of competing goals in American education, we found that democratic equality, social efficiency, and social mobility made their way into education discourse. Democratic equality occurred most frequently, followed by social efficiency, then social mobility. Presidents also used these goals in concert, applying symbolic language of equity to promote education policy initiatives framed as bolstering economic growth, America’s global competitiveness, and the opportunity for individuals to achieve the American Dream. Implications for federal education policy trends and frameworks for understanding the education goals of U.S. presidents in the 21st century are discussed.Así como cambian los problemas sociales y económicos, también cambian los objetivos de quienes quieren reformar la educación. Este análisis de contenido de las transcripciones de los debates presidenciales, mensajes presidenciales, y presupuestos educativos entre 2000-2015 revela las formas en que los presidentes y candidatos presidenciales han enmarcado las metas educativas en el siglo XXI. Utilizando la perspectiva de Labaree (1997) sobre  los objetivos conflictivos de la educación americana, se encontró que nociones de igualdad democrática, eficiencia social y movilidad social entraron en el discurso educativo. La noción de igualdad democrática fue la más frecuente, seguida de eficiencia social, y luego movilidad social. Los presidentes presentaban estos objetivos de manera coordinada, con un lenguaje simbólico de equidad para promover iniciativas de políticas educativas que impulsaran el crecimiento económico, la competitividad global de Estados Unidos, y brindar oportunidades para que los individuos alcanzen el sueño americano. Se discuten las implicaciones de esas tendencias y modelos para comprender los objetivos de la educación usados por los presidentes de Estados Unidos en el siglo 21.Assim como problemas sociais e econômicos mudam, as metas dos reformadores de educação também. A análise deste conteúdo de transcrições de debates presidenciais, estado dos discursos de sindicatos, e orçamentos da educação de 2000 a 2015 revela as maneiras em que presidentes e candidatos presidenciais têm enquadrado metas de educação até hoje no século 21. Utilizando a análise de Labaree (1997) de metas competitivas na educação Americana, encontramos que a igualdade democrática, eficiência social, e mobilidade social construiu o caminho deles para o discurso da educação. Igualdade democrática ocorreu frequentemente, seguido de eficiência social e, então, mobilidade social. Presidentes usaram, também, essas metas em conjunto, aplicando linguagem simbólica de capital para promover iniciativas de políticas de educação enquadradas como reforços para o crescimento econômico, competitividade global dos Estados Unidos, e a oportunidade para os indivíduos de conquistar o sonho Americano. Implicações para as direções de política de educação federal e estruturas de compreensão das metas de educação de presidentes norte-americanos no século 21 são discutidas

    Debating Their Beliefs to Victory: How the Beliefs of Presidential Candidates Transform the Rhetoric Used in Presidential Debates

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    As presidential candidates rhetorically articulate their beliefs during presidential debates, they reveal a lot about their underlying ideological beliefs. These beliefs were examined through the lens of an established methodology called the Operational Code, which uses a program to decipher a candidate\u27s beliefs through what they say in debate transcripts. In this study, the belief trends of the Operational Codes of all presidential candidates from 1976-2012 were examined through a rhetorical lens, and it was found that rhetoric was indeed the driving force for the apparent changes in Operational Code beliefs. These changes were examined on a greater level of detail through four case studies, which illustrated the changes in Operational Code beliefs and rhetoric of Ronald Reagan, the incumbent presidential candidates, the 2004 election, and lastly, with the independent presidential candidates

    Exploring the C-SPAN Archives: Advancing the Research Agenda

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    Exploring the C-SPAN Archives is a collection of path-breaking research studies that use video drawn from the C-SPAN Archives. The book, based on the papers presented at a November 2014 conference, includes chapters that explore issues in presidential debates, minority representation, the presentation of the first ladies, stem research, and innovative ways to analyze video. The book is divided into five parts: Part 1 consists of an overview of and common scholarship using the C-SPAN Archives and how this research advances the conversation after previously published studies. Featured are the ways in which the collection is indexed and tips on how individuals can find particular materials. This section is essential for increased scholarship and pragmatic applications. Part 2 contains applied research using the video collection. Topics in this section include a look at oral histories of minority members of Congress, an analysis of presidential debates, and the presentation style of Michelle Obama. Part 3 is focused on STEM research, including concepts and contradictions in the debate over STEM initiatives, expertise and evidence in science presentations in the C-SPAN Archives, and the framing of technology issues in a C-SPAN television series, The Communicators. Part 4 presents innovative research using C-SPAN and new computer technology. Two scholars take different technical approaches to evaluate polarization and communication using audio levels and video images. Finally, in Part 5, David Caputo presents ideas on the value of massive open online courses (MOOCs) using C-SPAN and reflects on the use of C-SPAN for citizen education in what he terms the “postdigital world.” Additionally, Patrice Buzzanell contributes a reflective essay on the future directions of research using the C-SPAN Archives based on the essays in this volume

    Complete Issue 53(1)

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    Complete digitized issue (volume 53, issue 1) of Speaker & Gavel

    Pick a Horse, Ditch the Goat: the Rise of the Spoiler Frame in a Bipartisan Election Discourse

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    Increasingly, public opinion shows Republican and Democratic presidential candidates are some of the most onerous in recorded history, and Americans want to see third-party options alongside them. Half of Americans use televised news to stay informed, but the two-party horserace leaves little room for the multiple candidates on the ballot. This analysis explores the prominent horserace discourse of the 2012 and 2016 televised coverage of the U.S. presidential races and the “spoiler effect” frame within. Following Jill Stein’s Green Party candidacy through the months surrounding each election, the coverage advanced her portrayal from “nonfactor” to “spoiler” despite the consistency in her campaign platform. During both elections, journalists delegitimized Stein and other third-party candidates with subframes the author calls “undeserved,” “the scarlet Nader,” and the “laughingstock.” These frames are evidence of the intensely partisan two-party political system and corresponding media; their use narrows the election discourse

    Democracy and the Media: The Year in C-SPAN Archives Research, Volume 7

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    Volume 7 of The Year in C-SPAN Archives Research series focuses on the relationship between democracy and the media. Using the extensive collection of the C-SPAN Video Library, chapters cover Trump political rallies, congressional references of late-night comedy, responses of African American congresswomen to COVID-19 bills, and congressional attacks on the media through floor speeches in the House of Representatives and Senate. The C-SPAN Video Library is unique because there is no other research collection that is based on video research of contemporary politics. Methodologically distinctive, much of the research uses new techniques to analyze video, text, and spoken words of political leaders. No other book examines such a wide range of topics―from immigration to climate change to race relations―using video as the basis for research

    Deeds Done in Different Words: A Genre-Based Approach to Third Party Presidential Campaign Discourse

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    Theories about political campaign communication have been based primarily on an understanding of the two-party system. Consequently, the rhetoric of third party presidential candidates has been seen as ineffective or unimportant because it violates the norms of political discourse. I maintain that this leads to a critical misunderstanding and under-appreciation for third party campaign rhetoric, since scholars too often ignore the situational barriers and perceived strategic constraints that these candidates routinely encounter. In the first two chapters of this project, I identify the purposes of third party campaigns and argue that the rhetorical style of serious minor party candidates is fundamentally different than the style of traditional incumbents and challengers. Functioning as agitators for change, third party presidential candidates use a rhetorical style that is polarizing, populist, rich in markers of authenticity, and aimed at producing public spectacle. In three additional chapters, I argue that the constraints, purposes, and rhetorical style that make third party candidates distinct from their major party counterparts means that even the most significant rhetorical moments of their campaign - the announcement statement, nomination acceptance speech, and concession - will violate the traditional norms of each genre. These differences suggest the existence of norms that are unique to third party discourse. As such, variants for each genre as they pertain to minor party candidates are described in detail, and applied to several case studies

    Doctor of Philosophy

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    dissertationThis study chronicles the first 40 years of appearances by presidential candidates on late-night talk television beginning with Nixon and Kennedy in 1960 to Bush and Gore in 2000. This dissertation exposes a historical trend in presidential campaigning and uncovers an increasing use of late-night talk television as a political communication forum. Media use and influence have evolved from campaign to campaign and by the 2000 campaign, late-night talk show appearances were seemingly obligatory. Presidential campaigns are important to the governance of our country and our democratic society. Through these elections, the authority of the government is given by the approval of the American people. The quality of any particular election is a function of the interplay among candidates, media and voters. The media's role in this process is the conduit disseminating information, which voters learn about their candidate. The changing media environment, where television has become the primary source of political information and changes in how news covers elections, has influenced candidate strategies creating the use of alternative media venues. In today's mass media culture, voters seem to want more than just speeches and policy papers from their candidates. They want to get to know them as people. Media uses have shifted towards the age of image politics with the consequence of millions of voters make their decisions about candidates based on personal characteristics and likeability. Research has shown that personal qualities or "likeability" are stronger predictors of voter choices than issues or ideology. Candidates are now opting to use alternative avenues like late-night talk shows to communicate their messages and sell their likeable images. These shows have become a more efficient means to an end. Today image politics dominate and entertainment television genres are a significant factor in election outcomes. Entertainment shows may be useful to sell a candidate's image but the benefit to the democratic process is debatable
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