Kratak kronološki pregled kartiranja teritorija Bosne i Hercegovine

The territory of today\u27s Bosnia and Herzegovina has historically been part of the various empires or communist states of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Very little research in the fild of cartography related to the historical account of the teritory of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been done. However, recently more and more attention is paid to this topic. The article was created on the basis of an independent long-term research by the author, and was motivated by the lack of literature in this field. Teherefore, this text will give a brief overview of the development of cartography until 1992, when the war in Bosnia and Herzegovin begun. It will also show the historical timeline of representing the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina on maps.Teritorij današnje Bosne i Hercegovine, povijesno gledano, bio je dio raznih imperija, kao i komunističke države Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije. Postoji vrlo malo istraživanja vezano za kartografski prikaz teritorija Bosne i Hercegovine kroz povijest. Međutim, nedavno se sve više pažnje posvećuje toj temi. Članak je izrađen na temelju neovisnog dugogodišnjeg istraživanja autorice, koja je bila motivirana nedostatkom literature u tom području. Stoga će se u radu dati kratak pregled kartografije ovog područja do 1992. godine, kada je započeo rat u Bosni i Hercegovini. Također, prikazat će se povijesna vremenska linija vizualiziranja teritorija Bosne i Hercegovine na kartama

Političko, crkveno i narodnosno previranje u Hercegovini i susjednoj Bosni u doba Francuske revolucije i Napoleonovih ratova (1789.-1814.)

The author presents the complexity of the unrest in Herzegovina, neighbouring Bosnia and in other border regions (Dubrovnik, Dalmatia, Croatia and Serbia) at the turn of the nineteenth century, starting with the major tenets of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, the subsequent unrest and its consequences in all of Europe. In this part of Europe, which was practically unknown to the average European of the time, direct and indirect consequences of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars and their attendant phenomena spread rapidly throughout Europe, the Ottoman and Russian Empires. As the French Revolution was losing its attraction for civil circles at the beginning of the nineteenth century, a military and organisational genius, Napoleon Bonaparte, emerged in its wake, becoming the worthiest bearer and disseminator of the legacy of the French Revolution, French civilisation and its imperial hegemony that inundatedEurope and attempted to abolish its old state, political, social and religious order (l\u27ancien régime).1 The perception of the spirit and nature of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars in these countries will be shown as very complex and more antagonistic than acceptable.Tematika ovoga priloga, koju autor nastoji prikazati, vrlo je opširna, kompleksna i višestrano osjetljiva. Radi se o trideset godina (1789.-1819.) političkog, društvenog, crkvenog, vjerskog i narodnosnog previranja na istočnojadranskoj obali. Premda se u radu redovito susreću mletačko-austrijsko-francusko-hrvatska pokrajina Dalmacija i nekoć zadnja slobodna hrvatska država, Dubrovačka Republika, kao ulazna i izlazna vrata, rad se usredotočuje na njihovo zaleđe: Hercegovinu, Bosnu, Crnu Goru i Srbiju. Ove zemlje, smještene u višekutnoj interesnoj sferi između tadanje četiri susjedne velesile: Austrije, Francuske, Osmanskoga Carstva i Carske Rusije, predstavljaju isto tako jednu drugu, manje poznatu, europsku pozornicu važnih vojnih, političkih, vjerskih i narodnosnih sučeljavanja toga vremena. Vladajuće aristokratske snage u Veneciji i u Dubrovniku lebdjele su krajem 18. stoljeća u najvišoj i najumišljenijoj sferi političkog ovapnjenja, koji je l\u27anciene régime u povijesti Europe mogao stvoriti, dok ih nije smrtno pogodio politički vihor Francuske Revolucije i imperijalnih pretenzija Napoleona Bonapartea. Mletci su izgubili slobodu 1797., Dubrovnik 1806., odnosno 1808. godine. Istočnojadranski posjedi Mletačke Republike, većinom hrvatske zemlje, postaju predmetom političko-trgovačke razmjene između pobjedničke Francuske i gubitničke Austrije i dolaze u ljeto 1797. pod austrijsku upravu. Oduševljenje hrvatskoga pučanstva s novim činjeničnim stanjem bilo je veliko, kako u Dalmaciji tako u susjednoj Hercegovini i Bosni, u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, no, ostat će neostvaren san ujedinjenja s hrvatskim zemljama u sastavu Hrvatsko-Ugarskoga Kraljevstva, jer to nije odgovaralo Bečkom dvoru. Austrijsku upravu na Istočnom Jadranu prekinuo je Požunski mir 1805. godine i cijela istočna obala Jadrana bila je sada dodijeljena Francuskoj i pridružena Talijanskom Kraljevstvu od Napoleonove milosti. Ova nova odluka i političko-trgovačka raspodjela hrvatskih zemalja između Napoleona i cara Franje I. nije naišla na oduševljenje u većini hrvatskoga pučanstva i njegovih staleža. Prvo, nova državna konstelacija u sklopu Kraljevine Italije i kasnije, nakon Schönbrunnskoga mira, unutar Francuskoga Carstva kao Ilirske provincije, bila je vidno udaljavanje od postojećega hrvatskog državno-pravnog koncepta i proklamiranih aspiracija. Drugo, francuska revolucionarna, imperijalna i militaristička vizija i administracija, slovila je već unaprijed kao liberalna i protukatolička i nije odgovarala političkom psihogramu prosječnoga hrvatskog čovjeka i građanina homo et civis croatus. Stoga je razumljivo da će najveći otpor francuskoj upravi u ovim pokrajinama pružiti Crkva, koja nije reagirala preko visokoga klera, nego preko nižega svećenstva, redovnika, kršćanski svjesnih laika i katoličkih bratovština. To je izazvalo kod naroda prosvjede i ustanke na koje će francuska uprava reagirati oštrim mjerama: progonima, uhićenjima i strijeljanjima, kako među laicima tako i u kleru..

Bosniacki chaos. Zrodla kryzysu politycznego we wspolczesnej Bosni i Hercegowinie. Prace OSW 31/2009. = Bosnia's chaos. Causes of the political crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina today. OSW Study 31/2009

A new form of 'transformational crisis' has been observed in Bosnia and Herzegovina since at least 2005. Politicians representing the three major ethno-political communities (Bosnians, Croats and Serbs) have successively been raising disputes and have employed various political tools to preserve the conflicts instead of resolving them. As a result, the central state institutions and organisations have been weakened and attempts to replace them with narrower ethnic structures have been made. This is increasingly paralysing the state, thus impeding its everyday operation and preventing its structures and legislation from being modernised; had this been achieved, it would have resulted in a real acceleration of the process of Bosnia's integration with the EU and NATO. The present crisis is also an effect of the disagreement between the key international players - the European Union, the United States and Russia - over the 'plan for Bosnia' and the role and duties of the Office of the High Representative, who acts on behalf of the international community in the country

Osmanlı döneminden günümüze Saraybosna müslüman mezar taşları

This study aims to research the Muslim gravestones during Ottoman period in Bosnia-Herzegovina dating from the period 15th to 19th century by comparing them with the ones in İstanbul, Edirne, Bursa and İznik and to find out the extent of the influence of the earlier periods on today’s gravestone building in the region. The regions of Sarajevo, Mostar, Livno and Glamoç where there are many Ottoman gravestones were specifically chosen in order to carry out the study. In these regions, 277 gravestones were identified and inventoried in terms of their forms, epigraphs and motifs. Each gravestone in the inventory was sketched and the epigraphs on them were deciphered. Besides, taking other studies on the subject into consideration, the gravestones in the region of Bosnia-Herzegovina were analysed. 193 gravestones of them were identified in Sarajevo. This city was a little town until the 15th century but after the Ottoman conquest it became the most important city of the region. First Muslim gravestones’s samples might have been imported to this area from İstanbul or Uskup. Some tombstones does not have epitaphs and they would have been erected during conquest for Ottoman soldiers or Ottoman rulling class who died in Sarajevo. Gravestones which were belonged to 16th century have Arabic epitaphs which begins with “kad entekale el-merhûm…” are very few. Afterwards epitaphs were written in Ottoman Turkish language and frequently those epitaphs began with “Hüve’l-Hayyü’l-Bâkî” or “Ah mine’l-mevt”. However, in 16th century some inscriptions on tombstones are written in Bosnian language by using Bosançitsa alphabeth. Bosnian people after the Ottoman conquest became Moslem but learning Ottoman Turkish language takes long time so they preferred to write inscriptions in Bosnian language. Muslim gravestones in this area are not well-decorated as in capital cities of Ottoman Empire. Women gravestones in this city has only one shape which is called pediment. Very few samples have different form which are in mosque’s hazire or graveyards. Those tombstones belong to upper class families and probably are imported from İstanbul or Üsküp for them. In addition to that some women tombstones have fes but those are very few. Men gravestones have turban. This form is the basic form of Ottoman tombstones. In the center of empire, this basic form was developed by stone-makers. They were educated by masters who are working in palace. They were the members of ehl-i hıref However, in Sarajevo stone-makers had very few models and they were not the member of palace’s artist groups. In Sarajevo center there is a tombstone which has unique form. It is in Ali Pahsa Mosque. M. Mujezinoviç claimed that this grave belongs to son of Tatar Shah. Food stone and head stone are well-decorated, all these symbols can find other tombstones in Sarajevo. These symbols are birds, axe, hand, arrow, bow, yataghan, moon, knobs, animal. On facede of stones there is not any inscription. This grave is dated back to 15th century. Women tombstones have few symbols especially in 19th century, whose facade of stones is decorated by circles, flowers and very few of them have trees (cypres tree). In conclusion, it has been found out that the present-day gravestones of Muslim Bosnians in the region of Bosnia-Herzegovina are built under the influence of both the Ottoman culture and the Bosnian culture of the Middle Ages, and that the gravestones have become a symbol for Muslim Bosnians. However, the present-day gravestones in Turkey differ from the ones in Bosnia-Herzegovina in that they are not built under the influence of the Ottoman culture. This is because Turkey and Bosnia-Herzegovina underwent different developments in the course of their history, especially in the 21st century. Specifically, the Turkish Republic, established after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, underwent a swift transition period due to fundamental revolutions leading to a different social structure. Keywords: Ottoman gravestones, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sarajevo muslim gravestones.Bosna-Hersek’in başkenti Saraybosna 15. yüzyıla gelene kadar küçük bir kasabayken Osmanlı döneminden sonra şehir görüntüsü almış ve ardından da bölgenin önemli şehirlerinden birisi olmuştur. Günümüzde hâlâ bölgede Osmanlı döneminden kalan mezar taşları bulunmaktadır. 2007 yılında Saraybosna’da yapılan katalog çalışmasında 15. yüzyıldan 21. yüzyıla kadar tarihlenen 193 mezar taşı tespit edilmiştir. Bölgede kullanılan Osmanlı dönemi mezar taşı modellerinin ilk örnekleri İstanbul ya da Üsküp şehirlerinden 15. yüzyılda gelmiş olmalıdır. İlk gelen mezar taşı modellerinin bazılarının üzerlerinde herhangi bir kitabê bulunmadığı da Kovaçi mezarlığındaki 15. yüzyıla ait olduğu düşünülen kitabêsiz mezar taşlarına bakılarak ileri sürülebilir.16. yüzyıla ait olan ve sayıca çok az bulunan kitabêlerde “kad entekale el-merhûm…” biçiminde başlayan Arapça kalıplar yerini Osmanlı Türkçesi ile yazılmış kitabelere bırakır. Mezar taşlarının üzerindeki kitabêlerde sıklıkla “Hüve’l-Hayyü’l-Bâkî” ve “Ah mine’l-mevt” kalıplarının kullanıldığı anlaşılmaktadır. Bölgedeki Osmanlı dönemi Müslüman mezar taşları hiçbir zaman imparatorluk merkezindeki kadar biçimsel çeşitlilik göstermez, ama biçimleri göz önüne alındığı zaman özgün oldukları söylenebilir. Kadın mezar taşları üçgen alınlıklı, az bezemeli ve gösterişten uzak modellerdir, fakat birkaç istisnai durum da söz konusudur. Erkek mezar taşlarında ise çeşitlilik başlıklardan kaynaklanmaktadır. Çalışmanın sonunda Saraybosna’daki mezar taşlarının hem Osmanlı hem Ortaçağ Bosnasının kültürel etkileri altında yapıldığı ortaya çıkmış ve bu mezar taşları Müslüman Boşnakların sembolü haline gelmiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Osmanlı Mezar Taşları, Bosna-Hersek, Saraybosna mezar taşları

Życie codzienne w oblężonym Sarajewie (1992–1995)

Po referendum w sprawie niepodległości Bośni i Hercegowiny przedstawiciele trzech głównych narodów tej republiki nie mogli dojść do porozumienia w sprawie przyszłości. W kwietniu 1992 r. napięcia przerodziły się w krwawą wojnę. [...] Podczas trwającego trzy i pół roku oblężenia bośniackiej stolicy cywile byli atakowani przez snajperów i pociski artyleryjskie, gdy przebywali w swoich domach, kupowali żywność na targowiskach, poszukiwali wody i spacerowali ulicą. To było jak rosyjska ruletka. Niedobory żywności i wody stały się częścią codziennego życia w Sarajewie. Dostawy prądu i gazu były nieregularne. Most powietrzny i pomoc humanitarna (głównie z UNHCR) pomogły uchronić miasto przed głodem. Pomimo miesięcy oblężenia, tysięcy zabitych cywilów, radykalnie zmienionego życia, mieszkańcy Sarajewa nie godzili się na poddanie agresorom

Industry 4.0 and New Paradigms in the Field of Metal Forming

Over the last few year, the metalworking sector has been undergoing rapid and radical transformations driven by global competition and the revision of the production focus that is being moved from mass customization to mass individualization. A results of this is introduction of new manufacturing strategies such as Industry 4.0, a concept that combines cyber-physical systems and promote communication and connectivity. Therefore, this concept changes not only the face of the manufacturing systems but also causes transformation of existing business models and the society as a whole. This paper deals with the recent trends and paradigms in the field of metal forming, resulting from the concept of Industry 4.0 and the modern market challenges. The maim attention is paid on the flexibility of manufacturing systems and recent developments in design of smart forming tools

Jak zmierzyć demokrację? Skale pomiaru demokracji politycznej stosowane w politologii porównawczej

The author reviews and characterizes the most important scales for measuring the democracy of political systems, applied in Western, mainly Anglo-Saxon, comparative political science. He refers to his article published in a back issue of Przegl¹d Polityczny, where the fundamental theoretical and methodological issues of democracy measuring were presented, and tries to indicate how these issues are dealt with by various researchers whose scales and data bases are most common and most frequently referred to in research into political comparative studies. The paper describes S. Huntington’s analyses, the Freedom House scale, the IDEA assessment of the quality of democracy, the EIU democracy index, Bollen’s scale, the Political Regimes Project, the Polity Project, T. Vanhanen’s democracy index and the scale of polyarchy by Coppedge and Reinicke. As the author analyzes one scale and database after another, he tries to identify their strengths and weaknesses, determine the most characteristic properties of each proposal, and assess their applicability in comparative analyses, pointing to their potential benefits and the threats of using them. In conclusion, he recommends caution in the selection of a scale to become a foundation for potential analyses, while he acknowledges that this theoretical and methodological tool is highly useful

Apostolic visitation to the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1910-1914 First part: Causes, beginning and significance of the apostolic visit in the light of contemporary sources 1908-1910

Katoličku Crkvu u BiH potresali su brojni crkveni, politički i ljudski sukobi od 1908. do 1914. koji su se održavali u već kroničnu sukobu između nadbiskupa Stadlera i bosanskih franjevaca oko raspodjele i odstupanja župa, u osnivanju i podupiranju političkih društava: Hrvatske narodne zajednice (HNZ) te od 1910. i Hrvatske katoličke udruge (HKU). Kao dodatne i logične posljedice pojavit će se i sukobi franjevaca s dijecezanskim klerom i isusovcima. Hrvatska svjetovna inteligencija, koja se pojavljuje početkom 20. stoljeća u BiH i traži svoje prikladno mjesto u bh. društvu između dva već postojeća i suprotstavljena klerikalna pola i interesne sfere, nadbiskupa Stadlera i bh. franjevaca, odlučit će se većinom za franjevačku stranu. Cijeli sukob dobit će oblike kako unutarhrvatskoga tako i unutarkatoličkoga sukoba, koji će u studenom 1910. potaknuti Svetu Stolicu, nakon brojnih prispjelih pritužbi u Rim, na poduzimanje crkveno-pravnih mjera, blaže forme apostolske vizitacije, sa svrhom da utvrdi činjenično stanje, izmiri zavađene strane, zabrani međusobno napadanje i vrijeđanje preko javnoga tiska i anonimnih brošura te uspostavi nužno potrebnu ljudsku, vjersku i političku suradnju. Ovi vjerski, politički i svjetonazorski sukobi u BiH među katolicima Hrvatima, premda nose u sebi, bez sumnje, autohtone bh. obrise, nastale poslije uvođenjem redovite biskupske hijerarhije, istovremeno su manja ili veća varijanta brojnijih i dubljih rascjepa koji su bili prisutni u društvu i u Crkvi ostalih hrvatskih zemalja: Banske Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Istre te susjednih srednjoeuropskih zemalja. Na kraju prvoga dijela ovog opširnijeg istraživanja, autor prilaže 19 dokumenata na talijanskom, latinskom i njemačkom jeziku, koji su prethodili pohodu i koji rasvjetljuju još dublje uzroke, početak i značenje apostolskoga pohoda Katoličkoj Crkvi u BiH. Za vrijeme apostolskoga pohoda nastat će brojni i važni drugi dokumenti na hrvatskom, latinskom, talijanskom, njemačkom i francuskom jeziku, koji će biti uzeti u obzir i po mogućnosti biti objavljeni u drugom dijelu ovog istraživanja. Izvori koji osvjetljuju ovaj važan događaj u Katoličkoj Crkvi u BiH u razdoblju od 1908. do 1914. veoma su brojni i pohranjeni su u tri različita fonda Vatikanskog Apostolskog arhiva. Osim Vatikanskog arhiva važan arhivski materijal čuvaju arhivski fondovi Zajedničkoga ministarstva financija u Beču i Zemaljske vlade u Sarajevu, danas pohranjeni u Arhivu BiH u Sarajevu, fondovi Ministarstva vanjskih poslova u Političkom arhivu Dvorskog i Državnog arhiva u Beču. Arhivski fondovi vjerskih institucija: Vrhbosanske nadbiskupije, Banjolučke i Mostarske biskupije, Franjevačkih provincija u Sarajevu i Mostaru, Družbe Isusove i Družbe sestara Služavki maloga Isusa u Zagrebu, premda bogati po sadržaju nisu, na žalost, još dovoljno prilagođeni standardnim potrebama istraživača.The three-year confrontations, conflicts and struggles in the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) (1908-1910) bore ecclesiastical, moral, political and ethnic characteristics typical of the Catholic BiH environment. The main actors were the Bosnian Franciscans, Archbishop of Vrhbosna Stadler, a young Croatian lay intelligentsia, gathered in the political organization HNZ, hungry and thirsty for political and social success, and Stadler\u27s organization HKU, also hungry and thirsty for political affirmation. For centuries, the main ecclesiastical, cultural and political factor among Catholics - with the exception of the Diocese of Trebinje - within the borders of today\u27s BiH, which no one should have ignored, were the Franciscans. After the definitive removal of the Dominicans with the help of Pope John XXII of Avignon in 1330, the Franciscans took over de facto pastoral care for Catholics in the Banate of Bosnia, the Kingdom of Bosnia and later in the Bosnian Sandjak, Pashaluq and Vilayet. In 1878, the new occupying state of Austro-Hungary found them in such a role. Through their 600 years of spiritual service, but also spiritual rule, the Franciscans first founded the Bosnian Vicariate (Vicaria Bosnensis) round 1340 and the Bosnian Province (Provincia Bosna Argentina) 1517, which they will in their historical consciousness call in Croatian Redodržava Bosna Srebrena (Orderstate of Bosna Srebrena). They will call their provincial minister an Orderstatesman, following the example of some Orders of Knights in Europe or many other ecclesiastical orders or states with archbishops, bishops and abbots as secular and ecclesiastical princes. Thanks to the Ahd-name of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror in 1463, which was unfortunately rarely respected by both local administrators and the central Ottoman authorities, the Franciscans gained the right to reside, a guarantee of pastoral service and absolute influence on the Catholic faithful in Bosnia. In almost 350 years, the Orderstate of Bosna Srebrena had no real spiritual or secular Catholic competitor, except themselves and their monastic districtisms, and politically conditioned regionalisms. From 1735 the Franciscans were not always happy about coexisting with the Apostolic Vicars. Diocesan priests, Glagolitic, who had had their roots in the mission of the holy brothers Cyril and Methodius, operated in Croatia and Bosnia for centuries before the arrival of the Turks and before the founding and arrival of the Dominicans and Franciscans. They were the first Catholic, Croatian and Bosnian, national and domestic priests, whom the Franciscans upon their arrival mostly ignored, marginalized and finally extinguished at the beginning of the second half of the 19th century. With the arrival of Austro-Hungary and the reorganization of political, administrative and ecclesiastical-religious life, the Franciscans still retained almost all parishes and absolute spiritual control over the Catholic population. In 1881, a regular hierarchy was established. In addition to the already existing Diocese of Trebinje, the dioceses of Mostar-Duvno and Banja Luka and the archdiocese with a metropolitan rank in Sarajevo were established. The Herzegovinian Franciscan Paškal Buconjić immediately took the Mostar episcopal see, and the Bosnian Franciscan Marijan Marković as administrator in Banja Luka, after a three-year temporary solution with Archbishop Stadler. However, the Franciscans did not manage to obtain the highest rank in ruling the Catholic Church in BiH: the metropolitan chair in Vrhbosna. It was occupied by Josip Stadler from Brod on Sava River (Slavonski Brod), whose family from father\u27s side had distant Jewish roots. He was an ardent Croat, Austrophile and monarchist, Jesuit pupil and student, distinguished university professor in Zagreb, a prolific philosophical and theological writer, spiritual leader, charitable worker, great organizer, entrepreneur, builder, financial genius and homo politicus. When he arrived in Sarajevo in January 1882 and took over the Archdiocese, he moved as a tenant to a Muslim, and later to a Jewish house, where he would remain until 1895. In Stadler\u27s time (1882-1918) "Catholic Sarajevo" flourished ecclesiastically, culturally and politically, which, in the history of the city no other religious denomination has experienced before. As great, successful, even unattainable as Stadler was in many fields, not only in Bosnia but throughout the Monarchy, he was at the same time in the eyes of his many opponents a proselyte, a symbol of intolerance, tactlessness, discord, a "suitcase porter" (immigrant), a financial genius (speculator), and a foreigner both in the archdiocese and in BiH society. For many, he was - partly due to jealousy, fear, hatred and ideology, partly due to objective or subjective assessment of his life and work - incompatible with the religious and political reality of BiH. Most Bosnian Franciscans saw and perceived Stadler as a constant challenge, danger and partial insult for the alleged permanent disparagement, attempts to secularize, take over or split their greatest material and spiritual wealth, parishes and believers. The Muslims of BiH, frightened by the constant Serbian propaganda about their impending baptism by Austria, perceived Stadler and the Jesuits ("jezuiti") with fear as representatives of that militant Catholic Austria and always, when there was a quiet conversion, there were strong Muslim reactions and protest. Orthodox Serbs regarded Stadler and his right-wing ideology as a representation of trialism and as a spread of Starčević\u27s and Frank\u27s "political program" of unifying BiH with Croatia. Consequently, Stadler posed a political threat to Greater Serbia\u27s own propaganda and policy of joining BiH to Serbia. For the Provincial Government, Stadler was both an important ally and an uncontrolled opponent. In the last decade of Austro-Hungarian rule, the Provincial Government saw him as an opponent, a real "Störenfried" (troublemaker) of its "artificial", mostly supernational political goals, which were to strengthen civil, religious and national harmony in the spirit of the ruling dual Monarchy. Literally, in the eyes of the Government, Stadler, with his trialist political ideas and immoderate daily press, was a slanderer and opponent of Government policy, an ungrateful and multiple beneficiary of numerous privileges, services, facilities, financial support even in moments of his financial speculation, high annual appanage, which he enjoyed to death. Stadler gained serious opponents in the intellectual Croatian and Catholic ranks of BiH with the emergence of a thin layer of young Croatian intelligentsia, led by lawyer Nikola Mandić, brought up and educated mostly in progressive universities in Zagreb, Graz, Vienna, Prague and Paris, and imbued, no doubt, with the spirit of the then progressive, anti-church, anticlerical and South Slav ideology which circulated throughout the Monarchy, to a large extent in Ban\u27s Croatia. He did not know or did not want to understand their political and national goals in time, he did not try to follow them benevolently and fatherly, occasionally moderate and win them over, because in his unilateral political vision he saw and perceived them as a religious danger and political competition. It is this young intelligentsia, which will find its main political and national stronghold in the Franciscans through the HNZ, that will become not only a statistical, but also a political and moral winner over Stadler and his political creation HKU. The conflict between Stadler and the Croatian intelligentsia was not tactical or opportunistic, as some thought, but political, ideological, cultural and partly ecclesiastical. The Croatian intelligentsia severely accused Stadler of allegedly equating Croats and Catholics, of alienating Croat Catholics in BiH from Muslims and Orthodox Serbs, of being the sole culprit in a long-term and devastating dispute with "beloved" BiH Franciscans, of uncanonical treatment of church property for destructive and anti-national writing of his press and the like. The accusations from the HNZ, thanks to the precision and knowledge of Stadler\u27s former lawyer Mandić, will turn the scale of the Holy See for sending the Apostolic Visitor to the Catholic Church in BiH, in other words, for introducing church monitoring for the person and the "Josip Stadler system". The Apostolic Visitor arrived and investigated the situation in the Catholic Church in BiH, predominantly in the Archdiocese of Vrhbosna. This task required great patience on the Visitor\u27s part, above-average diplomatic skills, and the talent to read between the lines; since each side of the conflicting parties served and defended only "its own truth" and none could boast of objective truthfulness, both morally and politically. The documents attached here were mostly available to the Apostolic Visitor in Italian, Latin or German at the beginning of the Apostolic Visit. During the visit, other important documents appeared in Croatian, Latin, Italian, German and French and today contain extensive original archival material which is stored in three different funds of the Vatican Apostolic Archives. An important archival source for the preparation, opening and course of the Apostolic Visit in the Church of BiH is contained in the archives of the Provincial Government in Sarajevo, the Joint Ministry of Finance in Vienna and Sarajevo, and the Joint Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Political Archives of Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna, which are quoted several times in this text. The religious institutions of the Archdiocese of Vrhbosna, the Dioceses of Banja Luka and Mostar, the two Franciscan Provinces, the Jesuits, and the Congregation of sisters Servants of Infant Jesus have not yet made the materials in their archives sufficiently accessible