5,856 research outputs found

    Between Exclusion and Assimilation: Experimentalizing Multiculturalism

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    With increasing frequency, members of cultural minorities are demanding not only equality and non-discrimination as individuals, but also the legal recognition of their collective identities. Their claims to cultural protection and accommodation are necessarily philosophical, political, moral, and (both constitutionally and normatively) legal. This paper is a reflection on the last dimension, the legal axis. The author sets out to delineate the descriptive, interpretive, and normative scope of section 27 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. He is influenced by the approaches to constitutional innovation expounded by theories of democratic experimentalism.The first part of the paper outlines the textual and normative framework of the Charter’s multiculturalism provision. Section 27 creates two distinct types of interests that give rise to claims: one individual and one group-based, described respectively as “accommodation” and “autonomy”.The second part of the paper applies the normative framework to two case studies: female genital cutting and sharia tribunals. These examples provide a setting in which to explore the potential of section 27 to address the cultural demands in ways that go beyond conventional doctrinal and normative understandings. The author suggests that an experimentalist interpretation of multiculturalism under section 27 would create a space in which different approaches and institutional arrangements could be tried in order to determine the best practices for handling difficult, highly contextual questions. Instead of limiting possibilities by adopting restrictive approaches that extinguish cultural claims and risk radicalizing groups, the author argues that the normative force of section 27 includes an imperative to create the institutional conditions within which measures can be tried and tested, with the expectation that benchmarks will emerge through practice.Les membres des minoritĂ©s culturelles demandent, de plus en plus frĂ©quemment, non seulement l’égalitĂ© et l’absence de discrimination en tant qu’individus, mais aussi la reconnaissance par le droit de leurs identitĂ©s collectives. Leurs revendications de protection culturelle et d’accommodation sont philosophiques, politiques, morales et juridiques. Cet article est une rĂ©flexion sur l’aspect juridique de ces revendications. L’auteur cherche Ă  dĂ©limiter l’étendue descriptive, interprĂ©tative et normative de l’article 27 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertĂ©s. Il est influencĂ© par les approches de l’innovation constitutionnelle mises de l’avant par les thĂ©ories de l’expĂ©rimentalisme dĂ©mocratique.Dans la premiĂšre partie de l’article, l’auteur traite du cadre textuel et normatif de la disposition de la Charte sur le multiculturalisme. L’article 27 crĂ©e deux types d’intĂ©rĂȘts distincts qui donnent lieu Ă  des revendications : un intĂ©rĂȘt individuel et un intĂ©rĂȘt collectif, dĂ©signĂ©s respectivement par les termes «accommodation» et «autonomie».Dans la seconde partie, l’auteur applique le cadre normatif Ă  deux Ă©tudes de cas : la coupe gĂ©nitale fĂ©minine et les tribunaux de la charia. Ces exemples offrent un cadre d’analyse pour Ă©tudier la possibilitĂ© d’utiliser l’article 27 dans le but d’aborder les revendications culturelles en allant au-delĂ  des approches doctrinales et normatives conventionnelles. L’auteur suggĂšre qu’une interprĂ©tation expĂ©rimentaliste du multiculturalisme crĂ©erait un espace au sein duquel des approches et arrangements institutionnels divers pourraient ĂȘtre essayĂ©s afin de dĂ©terminer les meilleures pratiques. Au lieu de limiter les possibilitĂ©s en adoptant des mesures restrictives qui mettent fin aux revendications culturelles et risquent de radicaliser certains groupes, l’auteur soutient que la force normative de l’article 27 inclut l’impĂ©ratif de crĂ©er des conditions institutionnelles propices Ă  l’essai et au test de pratiques, avec l’idĂ©e que des standards Ă©mergeront de la pratique

    An analysis of the impact on the quality of life of mothers who have a child with a cleft lip and palate

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    A descriptive study was undertaken on mothers who have children with non-syndromic cleft lip and palate. It involved 42 mothers from one public and one private hospital in Johannesburg during the period starting January 2009 and finishing in December 2009. A self-administered questionnaire was used to determine the Impact on the Quality of Life exerted by these children on their mother’s lives. The majority of the mothers in the study are African or White, comprising 11 African, 17 White, seven Indian and four Coloured mothers. Thirty-five (35) were married, one was single, and five chose not to respond. Twenty-one (21) of the mothers interviewed had high school education and 19 tertiary education. Thirty-one (31) were employed; seven unemployed and two gave no response. Sixty-five percent (65%) of the children are male and 35% are female of whom 48.8% were diagnosed prenatally and 51.2% postnatally. Only forty-seven percent (47%) of participants received adequate counselling during prenatal and postnatal care while 53% did not. Seventy-eight percent (78%) of the women in the study said they would attend prenatal care for their subsequent children. Impact on Family Scale This study examined the difference in quality of life for the family after the birth of the affected child as compared to before the birth assuming that parents lived a near normal life before the birth of their child. It can be seen that the majority of the women identified the following five items: being overtired and exhausted; managing to cope with the condition; family becoming closer as a result of the illness; partners analysing problems together; and treating the child as normally as possible as affecting their quality of life. There is no significant difference in most of the items across the four races. That is, African, White, Indian and Coloured mothers assessed the items similarly, except when considering the question of additional income being required to cover medical expenses: here African and Coloured mothers found that more income was required to cover medical expenses while Indian and White mothers disagreed. When comparing the relationship between the level of education of mothers and the impact on the family there is a similar trend as regards race. There is no significant difference in the items between the two levels of education, except for the need to reduce time spent at work to care for the sick child, and travelling to hospital which both add to the mental and a physical strain. Mothers with a tertiary education found that this was not a problem; however those with a high school education found that it impacted badly on their lives. Most parents said they would have preferred an antenatal diagnosis and adequate counselling prior to the birth as well as post-delivery, and they will access this service for subsequent children. The research highlights important factors affecting parents whose children have cleft lip and palate. Among the most important of these are that a prenatal diagnosis is preferred in most cases, also that counselling—both in the prenatal and postnatal period—plays a vital part in managing the sick infant. Other important findings highlighted were that mothers with a tertiary education had lower-impact scores than mothers with a high school education; also that families found themselves drawn together and helping one another manage circumstances better

    R v. NS: What\u27s Fair in a Trial? The Supreme Court of Canada\u27s Divided Decision on the Niqab in the Courtroom

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    In 2008, a woman entered an Ontario courtroom to give evidence at a preliminary inquiry involving childhood sexual assault charges against her uncle and cousin. She sought to testify while wearing a niqab, a garment that conceals the entire head and face, leaving only an opening for the eyes. The court was asked to decide the novel question whether it could accommodate the Muslim veil in a system of justice that provided the accused with a right to face his accuser. The Supreme Court of Canada divided three ways, with justices disagreeing deeply both about the analysis for determining whether to permit a witness to wear the niqab, and the values and interests at play in this analysis

    Stewart v. Elk Valley: The Case of the Cocaine-Using Coal Miner

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    It has for some time been settled under section 15 of the Charter and within anti-discrimination code definitions that disability includes addictions . Labour boards and human rights tribunals have long accepted that alcohol and drug addiction are illnesses and are physical and mental disabilities for the purposes of the Human Rights Code. There are no reasons to consider them any less an illness or disability than any other serious affliction. \u27 The shift in expert consensus led to notable changes to the key American diagnostic instrument, the DSM 5, adopted in 2013 with a completely revised approach to addictions. What is significant for the purposes of disability law is that addiction, including both substance and behavioural addictions (e.g. gambling), is now broadly accepted as a mental illness

    From Saumur to L. (S.): Tracing the the ory and Concept of Religious Freedom under Canadian Law

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    This paper takes as its starting point a the oretical gap in the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of Canada in relation to freedom of religion claims. The author argues that, under the Amselem analysis, the Court restricts itself to making decisions involving contested values while avoiding substantive consideration of normative questions. As a result, judicial reasoning in recent cases dealing with religious freedom has been characterized by formalistic doctrinal applications coupled with covert substantive review. The paper argues that the Court should be more explicit in justifying its protection of relational interests within freedom of religion jurisprudence. Neo-republican political the ory offers a justificatory framework for the move away from an individual rights approach to adjudicating social nuances of contemporary religious freedom claims, in a way which recognizes the interdependency of interests, and mediates tensions in social relations. Such a conception of religious freedom balances the impulse to individualism against the interest in co-reliance, and suggests that responsibility and social commitments ought to be understood as a constituent part of freedom, rather than as a threat or toll. The author surveys Supreme Court case law from the 1950s, the pre-Charter or human rights era, to show how the Court grounded its protection of religion and religious freedom in historical and contextual considerations, philosophical values, cultural norms and unwritten constitutional principles. The Court engaged in conceptual analyses about freedom and the role of religion in public life, and decided constitutional rights without reference to positive law. Freedom was understood the n as a moral and political concept, if not yet a legal right. The author the n jumps forward to the recent judgment in L. (S.), in which the Supreme Court found itself again engaging with conceptual issues related to religious freedom, but within the doctrinal framework of section 2(a) and the Charter right to freedom of religion. The author finds that the conceptual questions in L. (S.) focused the Court on defining freedom in alignment with shared public values. The paper closes by examining these shared values, gleaned from a number of recent cases, in an effort to describe the Court’s emerging framework for a relational conception of freedom — one in which permissions and restrictions flow in all directions between the state, the individual and the collective

    Crossing Borders Alone: The Treatment of Unaccompanied Children in the United States

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    Children who travel unaccompanied to the United States experience not only the trauma of family separation and the frequently predatory behavior of the traffickers who bring them, but also harsh treatment by an immigration bureaucracy that often incarcerates them with little access to legal counsel or professional support
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