The legislatures, legislative oversight and crisis of governance in democratizing Nigeria: a prebendalist perspective

This article, which is based on desk analysis, examines the legislative oversight roles of the legislatures in democratizing Nigeria against the backdrop of the seeming crisis of governance. It observes that the legislatures and their functionaries in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, especially at the national level, have performed abysmally in discharging their oversight roles, resulting in a crisis of governance. The essay concludes that as long as the Nigerian post-colonial rentier state and existing democratic institutions, the legislatures included, remain trapped in the prebendal orbit, the journey towards democratic accountability and by extension dividends of democracy, may continue to be a tortuous one.Keywords: Democracy, the legislature, horizontal accountability, neo-patrimonialism, prebendalis

The ECOWAS 2020 Transformational Vision: Content, Context, Issues and Prospects

This article examines the content, contexts and issues in the ECOWAS 2020 Transformational Vision with the goal of outlining the prospects for its actualization. Following an extensive review of extant literature on regional integration as well as relevant studies on regional integration in West Africa, the article argues that that as long as the structures that, in the last four decades, have worked to frustrate the ECOWAS’ goal of an integrated community are still alive and active, the 2020 Transformational Vision, though an ambitious agenda, going by the philosophical ideas undergirding it, like similar ideas and visions of the distant and recent past, is likely to be unrealizable. It concludes that the 2020 Vision should be viewed as another ‘development tokenism’ by the sub-region’s statesmen and policymakers to appease radical voices in the sub-region and not really as an attempt to democratize regional development

Africa and Pax-Africana in The Age of Interventionism

This article, drawing data from library and online sources, examines and engages issues in Africa’s quest for pax-Africana in the age of interventionism. It notes that Africa’s quest for pax-Africana in the age of interventionism is undercut by many factors, chief among which is the dependency and weaknesses of African states which always predispose extra-African powers to intervene in matters that should exclusively be handled by Africans. It concludes that as long as Africa remains trapped in dependent relations and the climate of disunity persists among African statesmen, its quest for pax-Africana would remain daunting

NIGÉRIA PÓS-AUTORITÁRIA: DEMOCRATIZANDO SOB CORRUPÇÃO GENERALIZADA

This article, adopting descriptive, historical and analytical methods of inquiry and using the post-authoritarian Nigeria as research backdrop, examines the contours and terrains of democratization processes, in Africa, under condition of pervasive corruption. It observes that democratic institutions, in Nigeria since the termination of the authoritarian order in 1999, have performed abysmally in checking the incidences of corruption contrary to the expectations in the donor community, based on the experiences of the advanced democracies, that democracy and its appurtenances once launched, could reduced the incidence of corruption. It notes and argues that this state of affairs is not unconnected to a non-autonomous and a prebendal state, which offers almost limitless opportunities for official corruption to thrive.   Este artigo, adotando métodos descritivos, históricos e analíticos de investigação e utilizando a Nigéria pós-autoritária como pano de fundo da investigação, examina os contornos e terrenos dos processos de democratização na África, sob condições de corrupção generalizada. Observa-se que as instituições democráticas na Nigéria, desde a cessação da ordem autoritária em 1999, têm tido um desempenho abismal na verificação dos casos de corrupção, contrariamente às expectativas da comunidade de doadores, com base nas experiências das democracias avançadas, de que a democracia e os seus apetrechos, uma vez lançados, poderiam reduzir a incidência da corrupção. Ele observa e argumenta que esta situação não está desligada de um Estado não autônomo e prebendal, que oferece oportunidades quase ilimitadas para que a corrupção oficial prospere

GRUPOS DE VIGILANTES E DE POLICIAMENTO EM UMA NIGÉRIA DEMOCRATIZADA: NAVEGANDO NO CONTEXTO E QUESTÕES

In the last few years, vigilante groups and other informal policing structures have assumed a greater role in the security architecture of many countries, especially those that exited from authoritarian order. In spite of this development, however, issues and concerns are constantly being raised about them regarding whether they could really be agents of democratic policing against the backdrop of their penchant for human rights violations and extra-judicial killings. It is against this background that this article examines the balance sheet of vigilante groups in a democratizing Nigeria. Following an extensive review of extant literature on police, policing, vigilantism and vigilante groups, as well as relevant studies on vigilante groups in Nigeria, it observes and notes that unlike the practice in liberal democracies, where vigilante groups - in conduct and practice - conform to principles of rule of law and constitutionalism, the opposite is the case in a democratizing Nigeria. It argues and concludes that as long as the vigilante groups, like the formal policing establishments, remain the instruments of intimidation of political opponents by the politicians that control them; the terrain of vigilantism would continue to be in the realm of ‘anocracy’. Nos últimos anos, grupos de vigilantes e outras estruturas informais de policiamento assumiram um papel maior na arquitetura de segurança de muitos países, especialmente aqueles que saíram da ordem autoritária. Apesar deste desenvolvimento, no entanto, questões e preocupações são constantemente levantadas sobre se eles realmente poderiam ser agentes do policiamento democrático contra o pano de fundo de sua propensão para violações de direitos humanos e assassinatos extrajudiciais. É contra esse cenário que este artigo examina o balanço de grupos de vigilantes em uma Nigéria em democratização. Após uma extensa revisão da literatura existente sobre grupos policiais, de policiamento, de vigilantismo e grupos de vigilantes, bem como estudos relevantes sobre grupos vigilantes na Nigéria, observa-se que ao contrário da prática em democracias liberais, onde grupos de vigilantes, - em conduta e prática - , seguem os princípios do estado de direito e constitucionalismo, o oposto é o caso de uma Nigéria em democratização Argumenta-se e conclui-se que enquanto os grupos de vigilantes, como os estabelecimentos formais de policiamento, continuam sendo instrumentos de intimidação política de opositores políticos pelos políticos que os controlam; o terreno do vigilantismo continuaria a ser no reino da "anocracia"

Between the Rock and a Hard Place: The Africa Union and Democracy Promotion in Africa

While the Cold War lasted, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) never considered democracy promotion in member states as a priority. What mattered to the body was the safeguard of the sovereignties of member states? The globalization of the third democratic wave however, changed that as democracy promotion, courtesy of Donor’s aid agenda became a core objective of the OAU/AU. Deploying descriptive, historical, and analytical methods of inquiry with a focus on the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance (ACDEG), this article assesses the extent of AU’s commitments to promoting democracy in Africa. Following an extensive review of conceptual literature on democracy, as well as relevant studies on OAU/AU’s democracy promotion initiatives in Africa, it notes that OAU/AU, no doubt, has robust normative frameworks for dealing with an unconstitutional change of government and other actions that could constitute a threat to the growth of democracy in Africa but in enforcing these frameworks, it is often stuck between a rock and a hard place. It suggests, among others, the strengthening of the enforcement mechanisms of the organization

NIGÉRIA PÓS-AUTORITÁRIA: DEMOCRATIZANDO SOB CORRUPÇÃO GENERALIZADA

This article, adopting descriptive, historical and analytical methods of inquiry and using the post-authoritarian Nigeria as research backdrop, examines the contours and terrains of democratization processes, in Africa, under condition of pervasive corruption. It observes that democratic institutions, in Nigeria since the termination of the authoritarian order in 1999, have performed abysmally in checking the incidences of corruption contrary to the expectations in the donor community, based on the experiences of the advanced democracies, that democracy and its appurtenances once launched, could reduced the incidence of corruption. It notes and argues that this state of affairs is not unconnected to a non-autonomous and a prebendal state, which offers almost limitless opportunities for official corruption to thrive.   Este artigo, adotando métodos descritivos, históricos e analíticos de investigação e utilizando a Nigéria pós-autoritária como pano de fundo da investigação, examina os contornos e terrenos dos processos de democratização na África, sob condições de corrupção generalizada. Observa-se que as instituições democráticas na Nigéria, desde a cessação da ordem autoritária em 1999, têm tido um desempenho abismal na verificação dos casos de corrupção, contrariamente às expectativas da comunidade de doadores, com base nas experiências das democracias avançadas, de que a democracia e os seus apetrechos, uma vez lançados, poderiam reduzir a incidência da corrupção. Ele observa e argumenta que esta situação não está desligada de um Estado não autônomo e prebendal, que oferece oportunidades quase ilimitadas para que a corrupção oficial prospere

Secession Outside the Colonial Context: The Birth of Eritrea in Retrospect

In light of the recent waves of secessionist struggle and conflict in Africa, a number of debates have spurred the possibility of secession outside the colonial context. Sourcing data from documentary materials coupled with the application of historical methods of data analysis, this article reflects on Eritrea's secession from Ethiopia in 1993. The study discusses and argues that Eritrea's feat in 1993 was made possible by certain domestic and external factors that did not present themselves to earlier secessionist movements. It concludes that without those factors that made Eritrea secession possible for its re-invention, furthermore, given that the forces that propelled the 1964 Cairo Agenda are still alive and formidable, secession outside the colonial context in Africa is likely to remain a difficult endeavor

Africa: Is another South Sudan possible?

Through sourcing data from documentary sources and adopting descriptive and historical methods of data analysis, this article undertakes to determine a prognosis for the prospect of further mutation in Africa’s political map after South Sudan, against the backdrop of recent waves of secessionist movements on the continent. It argues that while the exceptional trajectory of South Sudan’s independence might continue to embolden existing secessionist groups and would-be secessionist groups across Africa, given that the emotive idea of selfdetermination would not disappear, it is not likely to open a floodgate of secession states. It concludes that as long as the forces and conditions that drove the 1964 Cairo Declaration are still alive and formidable, coupled with the fact that the majority of contemporary secessionist movements are unable to pose credible threats to the status quo, the prospects of another South Sudan in Africa in the foreseeable future are slim