O Proemprego, o FAT e o BNDES: parceria entre a sociedade civil e o Estado

Bibliografia: p. 30-32Mostra este artigo que o Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador (FAT), produto da CF de 1988, é um marco na evolução do País. Gerido por um Conselho com representantes dos trabalhadores, dos empregadores e do governo federal, porta uma novidade: a bem-sucedida gestão de recursos públicos, compartida pela sociedade civil e o Estado. Provê recursos a dois relevantes objetivos: o combate ao desemprego e o fomento do desenvolvimento, em especial através de programas de geração de emprego e renda, como o Proemprego. Vê-se, na 5ª seção, que o FAT originou um sistema público de emprego sem paralelo internacional, mas carece de aprimoramento.This paper points out that the Fund for Worker’s Assistance (FAT), an outcome of the Federal Constitution of 1988, is a landmark in Brazil’s evolution. Managed by a Council which is composed of workers’, employers’ and federal government representatives, FAT brings as novelty the successful public funds management, shared by the civil society and the State. It provides funds to support two key objectives: to fight against unemployment and promote development, particularly through programs of employment and income generation, such as Proemprego. This paper also shows, in the 5th Section, that the FAT was the source of a public employment system without parallel in the world, but requires improvement

Development conventions: theory and the brasilian case after the mid-20th century

XX Encontro Nacional de Economia Política: desenvolvimento Latino-Americano, Integração e Inserção Internacional - UNILA, Foz do Iguaçu, 26 a 29 de maio de 2015Keynes considerava as convenções um instrumento para superação da incerteza. Para os Convencionalistas Franceses (CF), as convenções serviam para coordenar a ação dos agentes em “situações de mercado complexas”, não abrangidas pela hipótese de concorrência perfeita. O economista brasileiro Fabio Erber deu seguimento a esse debate formulando um conceito de convenção de desenvolvimento (CD) baseado nas formulações de Keynes e dos CFs. Como o desenvolvimento econômico envolve mudanças estruturais de longo prazo, CDs também só podem ser identifi cadas no longo prazo. Múltiplas convenções de desenvolvimento podem coexistir num dado período, sendo uma deles a dominante em cada ponto no tempo. Observa-se no Brasil uma disputa pela hegemonia entre duas CDs: a convenção pro-crescimento- liderado pelo Estado e a convenção pro estabilidade-livre mercado. Da II Guerra Mundial até os anos 1970, a primeira foi hegemônica (dominante) tendo sido substituída pela convenção da estabilidade após os anos 1980. A condução conservadora da política monetária brasileira desde a década de 1990 é sustentada pela hegemonia da convenção da estabilidade. A contribuição de Erber dá espaço para um programa de pesquisa focado na economia política da política monetária brasileira, que ajuda explicar por que o país tem persistentemente praticado a taxa de juros mais alta do mundoBanco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES); Usina Hidrelétrica de Itaipu (ITAIPU); Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) e Universidade Federal da Integração Latino-Americana (UNILA

Avaliação de projetos no Brasil

Bibliografia: p. 89-90.Texto elaborado em 1978

Desindexar ainda é preciso

André de M. Modenes

Capital controls and financial liberalization: Removing the ideological bias in light of the contribution of Keynes and others and the recent experience

To label the defense of capital controls (CC) as a left-wing proposal is a misconstruction. Such labeling uses the Borsa economicist criterion, which reduces the dichotomy between right and left to a distinction between liberalism and interventionism. Yet, under this criterion, the use of CC cannot be labeled as a leftist proposal. The interventionism underlying the defense of CC, as pioneered by Keynes and developed by Tobin, Davidson, Stiglitz and Rodrik, is not the fruit of an ideological conviction favoring widespread and indiscriminate State intervention. For them, CC are instruments to be used under specific economic circumstances. To call CC a practice typical of left-wing governments is also a misinterpretation. Among the countries using strict forms of CC since the 1990's - Chile, China, India, Malaysia and Thailand - only China's government may be called leftist. The other countries' political panorama is more complex than may suppose those who believe in a simple and direct relationship between CC and political ideology. The discussion should be stripped of the prevalent ideological bias: CC are not inherent to the political leanings of the governments that adopt them but are an expedient used under a pragmatic justification. Recognizing this is an important step toward a more objective analysis of the incidental opportunity of using CC, without prejudice. CC should be used whenever the benefits surpass the costs of their implementation

Quinze anos de rigidez monetária no Brasil pós-Plano Real: uma agenda de pesquisa

Fifteen years of monetary rigidity in Brazil after the Real Plan: a research agenda.The paper makes a review of literature and a research agenda on the anomaly of Brazilian monetary policy. Following a retrospect of the first 15 years after the Real Plan, there is a review of studies aiming to explain the high real interest rate. None of the summarized theses can completely explain the phenomenon. The main research opportunities are: deepening of empirical evidence of monetary policy efficacy loss; improvement in mensuration of its inefficacy; and improvement of alternative instruments to control inflation. The field of political economy is also fertile. One should assess the relevance of oligopolies as an explaining factor of persistence of high inflation

Capital controls and financial liberalization: removing the ideological bias

To label the defense of capital controls (CC) as a left-wing proposal is a misconstruction. Such labeling uses the Borsa economicist criterion, which reduces the dichotomy between Right and Left to a distinction between liberalism and interventionism. Yet, under this criterion, the use of CC cannot be labeled as a leftist proposal. The interventionism underlying the defense of CC, as pioneered by Keynes and developed by Tobin, Davidson (and other Post Keynesians), Stiglitz, and Rodrik, is not the fruit of an ideological conviction favoring widespread and indiscriminate state intervention. For them, CC are instruments to be used under specific economic circumstances. To call CC a practice typical of left-wing governments is also a misinterpretation. Among the countries using strict forms of CC since the 1990sâChile, China, India, Malaysia, and Thailandâonly China's government may be called leftist. The other countries' political panorama is more complex than may suppose those who believe in a simple and direct relationship between CC and political ideology. The discussion should be stripped of the prevalent ideological bias: CC are not inherent to the political leanings of the governments that adopt them but are an expedient used under a pragmatic justification. Recognizing this is an important step toward a more objective analysis of the incidental opportunity of using CC, without prejudice. CC should be used whenever the benefits surpass the costs of their implementation.capital controls, financial liberalization, left, right,