146 research outputs found

    Deux mille musiciens et musiciennes d'Église en 1790

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    Accéder à la collection Muséfrem dans HAL-SHS http://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/MUSEFREMAll over France, after 1790, a large number of church musicians found themselves without a job and without an income, because of the closure of chapters and abbeys. The documents they gathered, with a view to obtaining a pension or financial help provide a first rate documentation for the knowledge of this profession in the last years of the Ancien Régime. This rich corpus is now preserved both in the Archives Nationales in Paris (Comité ecclésiastique, série DXIX) and the Archives Départementales (série L). It is now the object of nation-wide research aiming at the establishment of a prosopographic data base managed by the Centre d'histoire "Espaces et Cultures" (CHEC, Université Blaise-Pascal, Clermont-Ferrand) within a project funded by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche, MUSÉFREM.Un grand nombre de musiciens d'Église, partout en France, perdent leur poste et leurs revenus à partir de 1790, en raison de la fermeture des chapitres et des abbayes. Les dossiers qu'ils rassemblent dans le but d'obtenir une pension ou un secours constituent une base documentaire de premier ordre pour connaître cette profession dans les dernières années de l'Ancien Régime. Ce riche corpus est aujourd'hui conservé aux Archives nationales à Paris (Comité ecclésiastique, série DXIX) et dans les dépôts départementaux (série L). Il fait l'objet d'une enquête nationale aboutissant à la mise en œuvre d'une base de données prosopographiques gérée par le Centre d'Histoire " Espaces et Cultures " (CHEC, Université Blaise-Pascal, Clermont-Ferrand), dans le cadre d'un projet soutenu par l'Agence nationale de la recherche, MUSÉFREM. Trois articles ont été publiés dans le cadre du programme de recherche Muséfrem, à l'issue du congrès du CTHS à Bordeaux (2009) : Bernard Dompnier, Sylvie Granger et Isabelle Langlois, "Deux mille musiciens et musiciennes d'Église en 1790" (http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/49/13/70/PDF/HAL_BORDEAUX_ENQUETE_2009.pdf), Marie-Claire Mussat, "L'itinérance dans la carrière des musiciens d'église" et Bastien Mailhot, Christophe Maillard et Françoise Talvard, "Musique et musiciens des églises de Guyenne en 1790 : bilan d'étape sur l'enquête collective et la base de données" (http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00877164)

    Identification de gènes ciblès par ETV6-AML1, un facteur de transcription chimérique retrouvé dans la leucémie de l'enfant

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    Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal

    On the relationships between applied force, photography technique, and the quantification of bruise appearance

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    Bruising is an injury commonly observed within suspect cases of assault or abuse, yet how a blunt impact initiates bruising and influences its severity is not fully understood. Furthermore, the standard method of documenting a bruise with colour photography is known to have limitations which influence the already subjective analysis of a bruise. This research investigated bruising using a standardised blunt impact, delivered to 18 volunteers. The resulting bruise was imaged using colour, cross polarised (CP) and infrared photography. Timelines of the L*a*b* colour space were determined from both colour and CP images for up to 3 weeks. Overall, no single photographic technique out-performed the others, however CP did provide greater contrast than colour photography. L*a*b* colour space timelines were not attributable any physiological characteristics. Whilst impact force negatively correlated with BMI (R2 = 0.321), neither were associated with any measure of bruise appearance. Due to the inter-subject variability in the bruise response to a controlled infliction, none of the methods in the current study could be used to reliably predict the age of a bruise or the severity of force used in creating a bruise. A more comprehensive approach combining impact characteristics, tissue mechanics, enhanced localised physiological measures and improvements in quantifying bruise appearance is likely to be essential in removing subjectivity from their interpretation

    DNA Polymerase Epsilon Deficiency Causes IMAGe Syndrome with Variable Immunodeficiency.

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    During genome replication, polymerase epsilon (Pol ε) acts as the major leading-strand DNA polymerase. Here we report the identification of biallelic mutations in POLE, encoding the Pol ε catalytic subunit POLE1, in 15 individuals from 12 families. Phenotypically, these individuals had clinical features closely resembling IMAGe syndrome (intrauterine growth restriction [IUGR], metaphyseal dysplasia, adrenal hypoplasia congenita, and genitourinary anomalies in males), a disorder previously associated with gain-of-function mutations in CDKN1C. POLE1-deficient individuals also exhibited distinctive facial features and variable immune dysfunction with evidence of lymphocyte deficiency. All subjects shared the same intronic variant (c.1686+32C>G) as part of a common haplotype, in combination with different loss-of-function variants in trans. The intronic variant alters splicing, and together the biallelic mutations lead to cellular deficiency of Pol ε and delayed S-phase progression. In summary, we establish POLE as a second gene in which mutations cause IMAGe syndrome. These findings add to a growing list of disorders due to mutations in DNA replication genes that manifest growth restriction alongside adrenal dysfunction and/or immunodeficiency, consolidating these as replisome phenotypes and highlighting a need for future studies to understand the tissue-specific development roles of the encoded proteins

    Healthcare professionals' intentions to use wiki-based reminders to promote best practices in trauma care: a survey protocol

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    <p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>Healthcare professionals are increasingly using wikis as collaborative tools to create, synthesize, share, and disseminate knowledge in healthcare. Because wikis depend on collaborators to keep content up-to-date, healthcare professionals who use wikis must adopt behaviors that foster this collaboration. This protocol describes the methods we will use to develop and test the metrological qualities of a questionnaire that will assess healthcare professionals' intentions and the determinants of those intentions to use wiki-based reminders that promote best practices in trauma care.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>Using the Theory of Planned Behavior, we will conduct semi-structured interviews of healthcare professionals to identify salient beliefs that may affect their future use of wikis. These beliefs will inform our questionnaire on intended behavior. A test-retest of the survey will verify the questionnaire's stability over time. We will interview 50 healthcare professionals (25 physicians and 25 allied health professionals) working in the emergency departments of three trauma centers in Quebec, Canada. We will analyze the content of the interviews and construct and pilot a questionnaire. We will then test the revised questionnaire with 30 healthcare professionals (15 physicians and 15 allied health professionals) and retest it two weeks later. We will assess the internal consistency of the questionnaire constructs using Cronbach's alpha coefficients and determine their stability with the intra-class correlation (ICC).</p> <p>Discussion</p> <p>To our knowledge, this study will be the first to develop and test a theory-based survey that measures healthcare professionals' intentions to use a wiki-based intervention. This study will identify professionals' salient beliefs qualitatively and will quantify the psychometric capacities of the questionnaire based on those beliefs.</p

    The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

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    Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional

    The Seeds of Divergence: The Economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

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    Réduire le temps de travail… Pour qui ? Pour quoi ? Les conditions d’une réorganisation des temps sociaux pour l’égale liberté

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    Le débat québécois concernant la réduction du temps de travail dans les années 1990 a débouché sur deux contradictions pour l’égale liberté des femmes face au temps. Nous analysons ces deux contradictions, qui sont liées à l’absence de redistribution des gains de productivité d’une part et aux caractéristiques particulières du secteur visé alors, les services publics, d’autre part. Cela nous mène d’abord au constat que l’enjeu de la redistribution des gains de productivité exige d’ouvrir la question de la dissociation du revenu et du travail. Nous examinons ensuite les conséquences, pour les femmes, de la re-privatisation du care et de la production des biens sociaux sous-jacente à la réduction des dépenses publiques. Nous concluons en identifiant les conditions auxquelles une réduction du temps de travail permettrait une plus grande égalité dans la maîtrise des temps sociaux pour les femmes et, partant, pour l’ensemble de la société.Debate over the reduction of working time in the 1990s led to contradictions for women’s equal freedom to time, which we attempt to analyze. We focus on two specific dimensions of the debate: the absence of redistribution of productivity gains and the characteristics of the working sector that was at stake, that is, public services. We show that the first dimension today requires a discussion on how to separate income from work. As for the second dimension, we demonstrate how, in the context of public spending cuts, the debate over the reduction of working time penalizes women, in that these cuts lead to a privatization of both care and the production of social goods. We conclude in pinpointing the conditions to which reducing working time could enhance general, and specifically women’s, equality in the control of social times

    Naissance d’une base de données prosopographique des musiciens d’Ancien Régime

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    International audienceLe 12 janvier 2004, Sylvie Granger invite Isabelle Langlois au Mans pour présenter une nouvelle base de données destinée à étudier la prosopographie des musiciens d'Ancien Régime. Le public de ce séminaire de recherche, composé d'enseignants-chercheurs et d'étudiants en DEA d'histoire moderne, découvre le corpus des sources mobilisées et le nouvel outil développé en partenariat avec le Centre de musique baroque de Versailles (Jean Duron et Corinne Daveluy)
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