POŁUDNIOWOKOREAŃSCY LIDERZY W POLITYCE DEMOKRATYZACJI

This article aims to show the process of formation and operation (functioning) of the changing political system of South Korea. It is undertaken for the analysis of the process of the collapse of the former authoritarian political system and formation of South Korean democracy. Indicated in this article are the roles and participation of political leaders (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, and Kim Dae Jung) in the process of intense political change that took place in South Korea from the 1980s to the late twentieth century.During the authoritarian regimes of South Korea, the nation recorded spectacular economic development, but without political development. Political leadership in the democratization of the country was still authoritarian. Core values and attitudes of politicians pointed to the presence of the cultural heritage of Confucianism in politics.본고의 목적은 한국의 변화하는 정치 체제의 형성과 운영(기능)과정을 보여주는 것이다. 이 연구는 전독재정치체제가 붕괴되고 남한민주주의가 형성되는 과정을 분석하기 위해 착수되었다. 본 연구서는 1980년대부터 20세기말까지 한국에서 일어난 치열한 정치적 변화 과정에서 정치지도자 (전두환, 노태우, 김영삼, 김대중)의 역할과 참여가 검토된다. 독재정권시대에 한국은 놀라운 경제발전을 기록했지만 정치발전은 없었다. 국가의 민주화에서 정치적 리더십은 여전히 독재적이었다. 정치가의 핵심 가치와 태도는 정치에서 유교의 문화유산이 존재함을 지적했다.Artykuł ma na celu ukazanie procesu kształtowania się i funkcjonowania zmieniającego się systemu politycznego w Korei Południowej. Podejmowana zostaje analiza procesu upadku autorytarnego systemu politycznego i formowanie się południowokoreańskiej demokracji. Wskazano na rolę i uczestnictwo liderów politycznych (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae Jung) w procesie intensywnych zmian politycznych, które miały miejsce w Korei Południowej pod koniec lat 80 XX wieku.W okresie autorytarnych rządów Korea Południowa odnotowała spektakularny rozwój gospodarczy, jednak nie towarzyszył temu rozwój polityczny. Przywództwo polityczne w demokratyzującym się państwie nadal pozostawało autorytarne. Ponadto wyznawane wartości i postawy polityków wskazywały na obecność kulturowego dziedzictwa konfucjanizmu w polityce

KIM’S MOTIVATION IN MAKING FRIENDSHIPS AS SEEN IN RUDYARD KIPLING’S KIM

ABSTRACT Fenny Eka Mustikawati. C1311002. KIM’S MOTIVATION IN MAKING FRIENDSHIPS AS SEEN IN RUDYARD KIPLING’S KIM. Undergraduate Thesis. English Department. Faculty of Cultural Science. Sebelas Maret Surakarta University. The thesis entitled Kim’s Motivation in Making Friendship as seen in Rudyard Kipling’s Kim. The first problem of this thesis is to know the motivation of the main character in making friendship with other characters and the types of his friendship. Therefore the objectives are to describe the Kim’s motivation and the types of friendship Kim has made with other characters. This research is a descriptive qualitative research that takes Kim as its source of data. The primary data is all elements of this novel. It is also supported by secondary data taken from journals, books, articles, websites, and other related references. This research employs Psychological Approach especially Abraham Maslow’s Motivation and Personality specifically Human Motivation Theory. This approach is applied in order to know the motives and the types of the friendship among Kim and other characters. After conducting the analysis by using Abraham Maslow’s theory of Human Motivation, the researcher found that there were some motivation in Kim’s making friendship. There are primary motivation, financial motivation, safety motivation and motivation of affection. Furthermore, the types of the friendship among Kim and other characters are friendship of utility, friendship of pleasure, and friendship of virtue. Keywords: motivation, friendship, human motivation, Kim, Rudyard Kiplin

NAZYWAM SIEBIE SNOBEM – POLITYKA ESTETYKI KOREAŃSKIEJ POEZJI W OKRESIE DYKTATURY

This study addresses the issue of politics of aesthetics in Korean poetry in regards of ‘authenticity of snobbism’ manifested in poems and essays published from late 1960s to 1980s under dictatorships. The special attention is on the double positioning of oneself as the accuser and the accused. The questions of the politics of aesthetics of Korean poetry, even the recent argument, has discriminated ‘authenticity’ from ‘snobbism’, in the needs to qualify literature as the accuser of the opportunism and passivism under the dictatorships. However, this dichotomy has restricted the political-aesthetic possibilities of literature to an exclusive property of poets or (poets as) ‘citizens’. This study explores how Korean poetry generated the possibility of political aesthetics from every single snobbish corner of lives by placing ‘the accuser’ of the dictatorial government on the position of ‘the accused’ through its own voice. Poems and essays of Kim Soo-young, Kim Kwang-kyu and Lee Seong-bok will be significantly examined as what manifested the autoimmunity of literature beyond the pose of self-reflection.이 글은 ‘속물의 진정성’이라는 주제로 한국 시의 미학적 정치성을 다루는 글이다. 1960년대 후반에서 1980년대까지 독재 정권 하 출간된 시와 산문을 다루면서, 이 글은 ‘비판하는 자’와 ‘비판 당하는 자’로서 스스로를 동시에 위치시킴으로써 ‘겹쳐있는 존재’가 드러내는 가능성을 논한다. 그간 한국 시의 정치성과 미학성과 관련하여 ‘진정성’은 언제나 ‘속물성’과 명확히 차별되는 무엇으로 논의되어 왔다. 그 기저에는 독재 정권 하 기회주의자 혹은 ‘소시민’을 ‘비판하는 목소리’로서, 문학이 더 나은 세계의 가능성을 배태하는 공간이 되어야 한다는 절박한 요청이 자리하고 있었다. 그러나 이러한 ‘진정성’ 기획은 정치적-미학적 가능성을 소수의 문학인이나 그들이 상징하는 ‘시민’의 형상만이 전유할 수 있는 것으로 제한하였고, 그로써 문학의 정치성과 예술성은 고립된 방식으로만 논의될 수 있었다. 그러나 한국 시는 가장 ‘속물스러운’ 일상의 세목에서 그 속물성을 비난하는 자와 속물로서 비난 당하는 자의 목소리가 겹쳐지는 방식으로 ‘진정성’의 이분법을 초과하는 정치적-미학적 가능성을 형성해내고 있었다. 이 글은 김수영의 시와 산문, 김광규와 이성복의 시를 통해 한국 시가 ‘자기 반성’의 포즈를 넘어서는 ‘자기면역’을 수행함으로써 독재 정권 하 문학의 정치성과 미학적 윤리성을 추구해나간 방식을 독해해보고자 한다.Niniejszy artykuł porusza kwestię polityki estetyki w koreańskiej poezji, w odniesieniu do „autentyczności snobizmu” zobrazowanej w wierszach oraz esejach autorstwa Kim Soo-young, Kim Kwang-kyu oraz Lee Seong-bok, opublikowanych w okresie dyktatury (od końca lat 60. aż po lata 80). Szczególną uwagę poświęcono zagadnieniu umieszczenia siebie w podwójnej roli – jako oskarżyciela i oskarżonego. Pytania dotyczące polityki estetyki w poezji koreańskiej, odróżniały „autentyczność” od „snobizmu”, co miało na celu zakwalifikowanie literatury jako oskarżyciela oportunizmu i pasywności w okresie dyktatury. Jednakże ta dychotomia ograniczyła polityczno-estetyczne możliwości wspomnianej literatury. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób mogło dojść do powstania w poezji koreańskiej estetyki politycznej poprzez umieszczenie „oskarżyciela” dyktatorskiego rządu w pozycji „oskarżonego”

SRAD Director\u27s Corner: Understanding North Korea and the Key to Security in East Asia

In the third installment of the SRAD Director’s Corner, Colonel George Shatzer focuses on North Korea and the Kim family regime. He reviews Becoming Kim Jong Un: A Former CIA Officer’s Insights into North Korea’s Enigmatic Young Dictator by Jung H. Pak and Rationality in the North Korean Regime: Understanding the Kims’ Strategy of Provocation by David W. Shin and shows how these books might help readers better understand North Korea’s leader Kim Jong-Un and the implications of his actions for US foreign and military policy in the region. The books also provide insights for strategists attempting to plan for security in East Asia

FROM A HUMBLE CRY TO A HOLY CHACONNE: THE BACKGROUND, ANALYSIS, AND PERFORMANCE GUIDE TO CHACONNE FOR TOKKAE, OP. 96 BY M. W. JOHANN KIM

The cries of animals have been used as motivic material in classical music literature throughout history. This project considers the Cambodian tocay gecko’s cry as the motif which embodies the harmonic structure in Chaconne for Tokkae for Violin and Piano, Op. 96 by Dr. Myung Whan Johann Kim. It reveals how Dr. Kim adapts unique compositional style and technique such as the bell harmony of Dr. Kurt Anton Hueber, to develop the theme into 39 colorful variations. The essential elements of the chaconne and the composer’s intentions are examined through personal interviews and correspondence with the composer. These elements are discussed along the biography of Dr. Kim, and introduction to Dr. Hueber’s bell harmony, as well as Dr. Kim’s religious beliefs of Christianity, which the composer deeply integrate with this chaconne. By offering rigorous analysis and performance guidance of Chaconne for Tokkae for Violin and Piano, Op. 96 which world premiered by violinist JuRang Kim and pianist Dr. Sanghee Kim on May 16, 2022, this paper enables performers to interpret this piece with the composer’s intentions and inspiration in mind and deliver a performance more precisely aligned with Dr. Johann Kim’s vision

WOLNOŚĆ JAKO NIEMOŻNOŚĆ, JĘZYK MILCZENIA: PONOWNIE CZYTAJĄC POEZJĘ AUTORSTWA KIM SUYǑNG

This article examines several works written by Kim Suyǒng in the 1960s with a focus on negation as the poetic method in accordance with revolution. He lived through a late colonial period, the Korean War, the April Revolution, and Park Chung Hee’s regime and he was keenly aware Koreans had not spoken of liberty as the invention of modernity in our mother tongue throughout our history. He dedicated all his poems to demonstrating why liberty was impossible to be spoken in Korean. In the course of his writing, his authentic poetic language developed into silence as a martyr, the language of death and love. In so doing, he could “live liberty” through his poetry in accordance with his conscience in the authoritarian society.김수영은 ‘자유’의 시인이다. 그에게 근대의 산물인 자유는 한국인들이 모국어로서 발화하지 못한 것이었다. 1960년대 한국에는 박정희 정권이 집권했다. 군사 독재 정권 하에서 자유에 대한 발언은 억압당했는데, 김수영은 그러한 사태를 ‘불가능’으로 접수했다. ‘불가능’으로 존재하는 자유를 시로써 발화하는 것은 혁명의 수행을 의미한다. 그는 시작 과정에서 혁명을 부정의 문법으로 실천했고, 그것은 시에서 화자의 자기 폭력으로 나타난다. 그러한 시적 방법은 화자의 죽음으로 메지 나며, 이 때 침묵이 발화된다. ‘침묵’은 자유를 시로써 말할 수 있는, 그의 ‘양심’에 근거한 독특한 언어이다. 침묵은 그가 스스로를 끝까지, 무한히 부정함으로써 다른 이를 위해 자유를 상상할 수 있게 했던 ‘사랑의 언어’이다.W tym artykule rozważa się kilka prac napisanych przez Kim Suyǒng w latach sześćdziesiątych, w których występuje negacja jako metoda poetycka zgodna z trendem rewolucyjnym. Autor przeżył późny okres kolonialny, wojnę koreańską, kwietniową rewolucję i reżim Parku Chung Hee'a, i był w pełni świadomy, że Koreańczycy nie mówili o wolności jako w swoim języku ojczystym. Swoje wszystkie wiersze poświęcił uświadomieniu ludziom, dlaczego o wolności nie można mówić po koreańsku. W toku pracy twórczej ukształtował się jego prawdziwy język poetycki stanowiący pomnik milczenia męczennika, język śmierci i miłości. Dzięki temu to mógł „żyć wolnością” tworząc poezję zgodnie ze swoim sumieniem jednocześnie żyjąc w społeczeństwie autorytarnym