Autoritarna dinamika: područja mira i sukoba i teorija autoritarne dinamike

The basic assumptions of Karen Stenner’s authoritarian dynamics theory are tested in this paper. The idea of the theory is that there is no difference in normal situations in tolerance between authoritarian and non-authoritarian individuals. Only the situation of normative threat leads to the fact that people with authoritarian predispositions react by increasing their intolerance. As a consequence, we can expect an increase in authoritarianism-tolerance correlation in situations of present threat compared with those without such threat present. In the paper, we empirically corroborate this increased correlation in the areas that have gone through interethnic conflicts, as among people who feel threatened by the return of refugees or by the European Union. These results are based on the data collected in the areas of intensive conflict during the wars of Yugoslav disintegration (Gospić, Plaški, Pakrac) compared with those that stayed peaceful (Vrbovsko, Rovinj, Daruvar).U radu se testiraju neke osnovne postavke teorije autoritarne dinamike Karen Stenner. Ideja je teorije da u normalnim situacijama nema razlike u toleranciji između autoritarnih i neautoritarnih osoba. Tek situacija normativne opasnosti dovodi do toga da oni s autoritarnim predispozicijama reagiraju s povećanom netolerantnošću. Posljedica je da možemo očekivati veću povezanost između autoritarnosti i tolerancije u situaciji opasnosti nego kad je nema. U ovom se radu empirijski potvrđuje da je korelacija autoritarnosti i tolerancije veća u onim područjima koja su prošla kroz međunacionalne sukobe kao i kod onih ljudi koji percipiraju da su više ugroženi povratkom izbjeglica i pridruživanjem Europskoj uniji. Kao empirijska podloga korišteni su podatci sakupljeni u područjima koja su bila izložena ratnim sukobima tijekom dezintegracije Jugoslavije (Gospić, Plaški, Pakrac) za razliku od onih u kojima takvih sukoba nije bilo (Vrbovsko, Rovinj, Daruvar)

Europski i hrvatski identitet: Kognitivna mobilizacija ili latentni konflikt

The focus of the analysis is attachment to Europe and Croatia as an indirect measure of identity. Variables used to explain these different attachments are demographic, social and ideological. The attachment to Croatia is best explained by the ideological variables, with those being more nationalistic, religious, socially conservative having a closer attachment to Croatia. Closeness to Europe, on the other hand, is more determined by social variables like occupational position. People with a higher position within the division of labour and decision-making processes feel closer to Europe compared with those lower down on the occupational scale. We have found positive correlation between the attachments to Europe and Croatia. The attachment to Europe does not replace the national identification but can be seen as a part of the process of the broadening of the identity space. The European identification is not in contradiction with the national identification, but rather an expansion of it.U centru analize je osjećanje privrženosti Europi i Hrvatskoj kao indirektna mjera identiteta. U objašnjavanju raznih oblika privrženosti korištene su demografske, socijalne i ideološke varijable. Privrženost Hrvatskoj najbolje je objašnjena ideološkim varijablama – oni koji ističu svoju nacionalnost, koji su religiozniji, konzervativniji osjećaju veću povezanost s Hrvatskom. S druge strane bliskost Europi više je determinirana socijalnim varijablama, kao na primjer socijalnim statusom i položajem u zanimanju. Ljudi koji imaju viši položaj u društvu i zanimanju, a time i veću moć odlučivanja, osjećaju se bliže Europi, u usporedbi s onima koji se nalaze niže na skali zanimanja. Zanimljivo je da postoje i pozitivne korelacije između privrženosti Europi i Hrvatskoj, kao i da ta dva odnosa ne moraju uvijek isključivati jedan drugoga. Privrženost Europi ne zamjenjuje nacionalnu identifikaciju nego više može biti promatrana kao proces širenja identiteta. Zaključujemo da europska identifikacije nije negacija nego proširenje nacionalnoga identiteta

Podrška režimu u Hrvatskoj - Determinante podrške režimima u prošlosti, sadašnjosti i budućnosti

In this paper we use the case of Croatia to discover the determinants and patterns of support for the previous (communist) and the present political system, as well as expectations about the future. The conceptual and theoretical framework takes into account five dimensions: class, nationality, religiosity, economic well-being and heterogeneity of the region. There is a general pattern of support in Croatia which roughly corresponds to the findings in other post-communist countries. We find a negative evaluation of the previous system, more positive evaluation of the present political system (in the case of Croatia, more neutral) and optimism about the future. Although this pattern holds across all groups, there are many significant differences. The previous regime is judged less harsh among females, professionals, less skilled manual workers, Serbs and less religious people. Satisfaction with the present political systems is mostly expressed among the less educated, farmers, people with lower income, the more religious, groups who identify themselves as “lower class” and those who created some savings in the last year. The more intensive support for the current political system is located on the lower end of the social hierarchy and on the top, managers-owners. We conclude that a new alliances forming between the top and the bottom of social hierarchy, as it was in the previous system (Županov, 19X3.) but this new alliance contains different social groups and it is based on different interests than before.U ovom radu na slučaju Hrvatske pokušali smo otkriti determinante i obrasce podrške prijašnjem (komunističkom) i sadašnjem političkom sustavu kao i očekivanjima za budućnost. Konceptualni i teorijski okvir polazi od pet dimenzija: klase, nacije, religioznosti, ekonomskog blagostanja i heterogenosti regija. Postoji opći obrazac ocjenjivanja sustavu u Hrvatskoj koji uglavnom korespondira s nalazima u ostalim post-komunističkim zemljama. Našli smo negativno vrednovanje prošlog sustava, više pozitivno se ocjenjuje sadašnji politički sustav (u slučaju Hrvatske više neutralno) i optimizam u pogledu budućnosti. Premda se ovaj obrazac očituje kod svih grupa ipak ima mnogo značajnih razlika. Prošli režim se ocjenjuje manje oštro kod žena, profesionalaca, manje kvalificiranih radnika, Srba i manje religioznih ljudi. Zadovoljstvo sa sadašnjim političkim sustavom izražavaju manje obrazovani, seljaci, ljudi s manjim primanjima, više religiozni, grupe koje su sebe identificirale kao “niža klasa” te među onima koji su ostvarili neku uštedu u prošloj godini. Dakle, više intenzivna podrška sadašnjem režimu locirana je medu nižim slojevima hijerarhijske društvene ljestvice i na samom vrhu kod menagera-vlasnika. Zaključili smo da se formirala nova alianca između vrha i nižih slojeva socijalne hijerarhije kao što je postojala i u prijašnjem sustavu (Županov, 19X3), ali nova alianca sadrži druge društvene grupe i bazirana je na različitim interesima nego prije

Podrška režimu u Hrvatskoj - Determinante podrške režimima u prošlosti, sadašnjosti i budućnosti

In this paper we use the case of Croatia to discover the determinants and patterns of support for the previous (communist) and the present political system, as well as expectations about the future. The conceptual and theoretical framework takes into account five dimensions: class, nationality, religiosity, economic well-being and heterogeneity of the region. There is a general pattern of support in Croatia which roughly corresponds to the findings in other post-communist countries. We find a negative evaluation of the previous system, more positive evaluation of the present political system (in the case of Croatia, more neutral) and optimism about the future. Although this pattern holds across all groups, there are many significant differences. The previous regime is judged less harsh among females, professionals, less skilled manual workers, Serbs and less religious people. Satisfaction with the present political systems is mostly expressed among the less educated, farmers, people with lower income, the more religious, groups who identify themselves as “lower class” and those who created some savings in the last year. The more intensive support for the current political system is located on the lower end of the social hierarchy and on the top, managers-owners. We conclude that a new alliances forming between the top and the bottom of social hierarchy, as it was in the previous system (Županov, 19X3.) but this new alliance contains different social groups and it is based on different interests than before.U ovom radu na slučaju Hrvatske pokušali smo otkriti determinante i obrasce podrške prijašnjem (komunističkom) i sadašnjem političkom sustavu kao i očekivanjima za budućnost. Konceptualni i teorijski okvir polazi od pet dimenzija: klase, nacije, religioznosti, ekonomskog blagostanja i heterogenosti regija. Postoji opći obrazac ocjenjivanja sustavu u Hrvatskoj koji uglavnom korespondira s nalazima u ostalim post-komunističkim zemljama. Našli smo negativno vrednovanje prošlog sustava, više pozitivno se ocjenjuje sadašnji politički sustav (u slučaju Hrvatske više neutralno) i optimizam u pogledu budućnosti. Premda se ovaj obrazac očituje kod svih grupa ipak ima mnogo značajnih razlika. Prošli režim se ocjenjuje manje oštro kod žena, profesionalaca, manje kvalificiranih radnika, Srba i manje religioznih ljudi. Zadovoljstvo sa sadašnjim političkim sustavom izražavaju manje obrazovani, seljaci, ljudi s manjim primanjima, više religiozni, grupe koje su sebe identificirale kao “niža klasa” te među onima koji su ostvarili neku uštedu u prošloj godini. Dakle, više intenzivna podrška sadašnjem režimu locirana je medu nižim slojevima hijerarhijske društvene ljestvice i na samom vrhu kod menagera-vlasnika. Zaključili smo da se formirala nova alianca između vrha i nižih slojeva socijalne hijerarhije kao što je postojala i u prijašnjem sustavu (Županov, 19X3), ali nova alianca sadrži druge društvene grupe i bazirana je na različitim interesima nego prije

Towards a Typology of Planning

In this paper, an attempt is made to create a typology of existing systems of economic and social planning based on some relevant sociological variables. These relevant variables are level of centralization of power and information in the process of plan making, and level of cooperation within the system. A combination of these two variables gives us four basic types of planning. For type A there is a high centralization of power and information, together with high cooperation; a concrete example of this type is Soviet planning. Type B is characterized by high centralization (only of information in concrete cases) but without cooperation; a concrete example would be planning in Holland which is practically limited to prognosis. Type D is characterized by low power concentration and also by the absence of cooperation; this is the type of planning of large corporations in market economies. Most detailed analysis is given to description of the teoretical basis of type C: low centralization of power but high cooperation. The Yugoslav type of selfmanagement planning is taken as an example. The theoretical framework which enables us to make this analysis is the theory of hierarchical systems (Mesarović) and concept of polycentric planning (Bičanić). At the end the author discusses the presence of different forms of coercion in the implementation of plans in these different systems

CIVIC AND ETHNIC IDENTITY: THE CASE OF CROATIA

Autor polazi od Kuhnove podjele na zapadni građanski nacionalizam i istočni etnički nacionalizam kao kontinuuma na kojem se distribuira populacija. On smatra da se etnička identifikacija ne može se analizirati izdvojeno od njezina političkog konteksta i povijesnih okolnosti. Tako nakon prve faze etničkog preporoda vezanog za pad komunizma, u Hrvatskoj svjedočimo prodiru građanske komponente u etničku identifikaciju. Autor tvrdi da je izjašnjavanje za jugoslavenstvo u bivšoj Jugoslaviji bilo multifunkcionalan fenomen koji je služio i kao sredstvo izbjegavanja uske etničke identifikacije. Raspadom Jugoslavije, jugoslavenstvo u Hrvatskoj zadobiva oblik građanskog identiteta koji zamjenjuje etnički identitet. Ta razlika dolazi iz modernoga zapadnog političkog diskursa i prodire u procese identifikacije. Građanska je identifikacija ekvivalent jugoslavenstva tako što ljudima otvara mogućnost odmicanja od uske etničke identifikacije i snažnog etničkog preporoda u prvoj postkomunističkoj fazi Hrvatske. Ovako se osobito ispunjava funkciju bijega iz manjinskog statusa na isti način na koji ju je ispunjavalo jugoslavensko opredjeljenje.The author starts from Kuhn’s division into the western civic nationalism and the eastern ethnic nationalism as a continuum along which a population is distributed. He claims that ethnic identification cannot be analyzed outside its political context and historical circumstances. Thus after the first phase of the ethnic revival following the collapse of communism in Croatia, we have witnessed how the civic component seeped into the ethnic identification. The author claims that the commitment to the Yugoslav idea in the former Yugoslavia was a multifunctional phenomenon that served also as a means of avoiding a narrow ethnic identification. With the collapse of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav idea in Croatia reemerged as the civic identity that replaced the ethnic identity. The difference stemmed from the modern western political discourse and penetrated the processes of identification. The civic identification was an equivalent to the Yugoslav idea as it enabled people to distance themselves from the narrow ethnic identification and the sweeping ethnic revival in Croatia’s first post-communist phase. This served as an escape from the minority status just like the former commitment to the Yugoslav idea