Hypocenter estimation for 14 earthquakes in south-central Alaska (1929-1975)

We provide results from an analysis of 14 historical earthquakes in the region of Cook Inlet and Susitna, south-central Alaska. Using global arrival times of P and S waves, we estimate probabilistic hypocenters using the code NonLinLoc. We provide the complete results, as well as a set of plots to help interpret the likelihood of each earthquake being within the crust, on the subduction interface, or within the subducting Pacific slab.V. Silwal and C. Tape were supported by USGS Earthquake Hazards Program (contract G15AP00052)

Spectacular pehnomena and limits to rationality in genetic and cultural evolution

In studies of both animal and human behaviour, game theory is used as a tool for understanding strategies that appear in interactions between individuals. Game theory focuses on adaptive behaviour, which can be attained only at evolutionary equilibrium. Here we suggest that behaviour appearing during interactions is often outside the scope of such analysis. In many types of interaction, conflicts of interest exist between players, fueling the evolution of manipulative strategies. Such strategies evolve out of equilibrium, commonly appearing as spectacular morphology or behaviour with obscure meaning, to which other players may react in non-adaptive, irrational way approach, and outline the conditions in which evolutionary equilibria cannot be maintained. Evidence from studies of biological interactions seems to support the view that behaviour is often not at equilibrium. This also appears to be the case for many human cultural traits, which have spread rapidly despite the fact that they have a negative influence on reproduction

Voice of the Dead

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The Politics of Policy-Making: Children's Services Reform (1997-2015)

This thesis questions the two dominant theoretical perspectives on contemporary British policy-making, Rhodes’ (1997) Differentiated Polity Model (DPM) and Marsh et al’s (2001; 2003) Asymmetric Power Model (APM). Rhodes emphasises the influence of autonomous non-governmental policy networks over the policy-making process. Challenging this view, Marsh et al claim that public policy is largely determined by an administrative elite based in Whitehall departments. Inspired by Moran’s (2007) theory of the British regulatory state, this research asks whether or not British policy-making is a more politically-driven process than either the DPM or the APM acknowledge. Responding to this question requires an in-depth longitudinal study of policy-making, examining interaction between policy elites, including policy network representatives, departmental civil servants and politicians. Children’s services reform provides a critical test case given the diverse range of groups engaged in the policy-making process. This research collected evidence from 40 in-depth interviews with prominent policy actors, supplemented by analysis of over 300 official policy publications, Select Committee proceedings and media reports. The time frame applied (1997-2015) allowed for a comprehensive examination of different aspects of the children’s services policy-making process under both the Labour and Coalition governments. On the basis of this evidence, this research develops five theoretical propositions which question the separation of the administrative and political domains of policy-making under both the DPM and the APM. These relate to: (1) the prominent role of ministers in Whitehall; (2) the limits of policy network access and influence; (3) the political dynamics driving public sector restructuring; (4) the role of party leaders and the importance of inter and intra-party political competition to the development of policy; and (5) the political dynamics of so-called evidence-based policy

Why Are the Soviets against Missile Defense-Or Are They?

A survey and comparison of U.S. and U.S.S. R. ballistic missile defense (BMD) policy decisions reveal that both nations regard BMD as desirable. Further, the actions of the United States and U.S.S.R; support this argument even though both countries have publicly reproved BMD strategy at one time or another. So why are the Soviets bombarding the U.S. arms control negotiators with statements to the contrary? Why are the Soviets opposed to BMD in the 1980s? A survey of American and Soviet actions, national interests, and public statements-prior to the Antiballistic Missile Treaty, during the treaty negotiations, and after the treaty took effect-should demonstrate why