Islam and Politics: The Rise of Muslim Politics ‎in The Post Soeharto Era

During Soeharto’s New Order, Muslim politics was virtually banned from any political activities in Indonesia. Yet, after the fall of Soeharto Muslims are free to speak, to establish a political party, and even to adopt Islam as their political ideology. The political climate has also considerably changed from an authoritarian to democratic system. In line with this democratization and liberalization, various Muslim groups with different approaches and agenda also emerge. It is not surprising that many Islamic radical groups have also emerged since that time. This paper endeavors to examine what caused the Muslim politics to greatly gain momentum in the post Soeharto period and whether it has a link to previous Islamic movement of parliamentary democracy in the 1950s. It shows that on the one hand the declining number of Islamic party voters indicates the weakening of “politik aliran†(ideology-based party) within moderate Islamic groups. However, another phenomenon emerges in form of the rise of radical Islamic groups in Indonesia

THE COMPARATIVE DIALECTIC OF ISLAM, POLITICS, AND GOVERNMENT IN INDONESIA AND THAILAND

The religion particularly Islam has a considerable influence on the politics and governmental system in a country generally. But of course the role of Islam in politics and government will be different when Islam as the majority religion compared when Islam became a minority religion. It becomes interesting to be explored further, so as to see concrete evidence the authors determined to compare the dialectic of Islam in the politics and government in Indonesia and Thailand. The results of research showed that there is a significant imbalance between the role of Islam in Indonesia and Thailand for politics and government. In Indonesia since the struggle until independence era, the Muslim leaders and activists are aware that in order to improve the condition of the country, it takes a political struggle to deal with attempts to obtain power to influence government and public policy making. This can be evidenced by the existence of Islamic party or Islamic mass-based party from the first general election to date. In addition, at the level of government the role of Muslim activists and scholars are also greatly affected. Instead, in Thailand show that Islam has a small portion in politics and government. This is evidenced by the lack of political access and opportunity to participate in the governmental system. Even in a particular regime, Muslims get very discriminatory treatment. Like as in the administration of Prime Minister Phibul Songkhram and Thaksin Shinawatra. This condition is supported by the prevailing political system in Thailand, where the authority of the regime is absolute and inviolable. As an impact, insurgents groups in Southern Thailand namely National Revolution Row (BRN) and Pattani United Liberation Organization (PULO) continued to express special autonomy. With the special autonomy it is expected that the conflict in Southern Thailand will subside

KYAI, NU, DAN PESANTREN: DALAM PERSPEKTIF DEMOKRASI DELIBERATIF

NU sebagai organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia seringkali menjadi sasaran kritik oleh kaum modernis. Stigma yang umumnya dialamatkan pada organisasi ini adalah oportunistik. Tuduhan semacam ini umumnya muncul karena kebijakan NU yang dianggap selalu mencari aman. Doktrin dan praktek keagamaan NU juga tidak luput dari kecaman, mulai dari streotipe ketinggalan zaman sampai pada elit kiainya yang dipandang lemah dalam menalar perkembangan. Pada tahun 1980-an mereka mencerca kaum Nahdlyin dengan sebutan kaum tradisional yang sudah jauh dari Islam murni sebab ritualritualnya banyak mempraktekkan tradisi takhayul, bid’ah, dan khurafat. Paper ini ingin mengcounter balik stigma publik tersebut, mengingat begitu besarnya sumbangan NU dalam prosespenguatan civil society dan pemikiran Islam di negeri ini. Sebagai contoh dalam membahas hukum bunga bank, boleh tidaknya presiden perempuan, dan lain sebagainya. Ikhtilaf Ro’yi sesuatu yang sangat lazim di kalangan kaum Nahdlyin, setidaknya ini bisa dilihat dalam kegiatan Bahtsul Matsail, di mana perbedaan pendapat dalam menentukan kesepakatan sangatlah lumrah di tangan para kiai

POLITIK HUKUM PIDANA Rekam Medis Sebagai Alat Bukti dalam Hukum Pembuktian Pidana

Medical Currently, the relationship between doctor and patient is not just the relationship treatment alone, but he is also part of "therapeutic agreement" in which the patient is required to know and understand their rights and obligations in any effort to cure. One of the rights of patients in the treatment process is to get a record of treatment from a doctor or hospital, which in the world of health known as the Medical Record. But unfortunately, not many people who understand what it is and the importance of medical records for patients. Though medical record is valuable and important function for the patient, because it contains a description of a patient's medical history as well as actions taken by doctors in an effort to cure. In fact, not only that, the medical records could also be evidence in cases of alleged medical errors doctor sin handling/treating patients. This paper is going to study the problem of medical record as evidence in the criminal laws of evidence, especially in cases of alleged misconduct medical doctor

STRATEGI REKRUTMEN PARTAI KEADILAN SEJAHTERA YOGYAKARTA

Nowadays, recruitment becomes a serious problem for political party reform in Indonesia. We have witnessed many instant cadres who lacked competence but easily obtained a position. Apparently, this issue has become a trend among parties causing the party function to change into broker such as Out Sourching Company. Before the cadres were engaged in political activities, they were already known in the public space such as celebrities, rich men, and elite families. By this context, we need to pay attention toward this phenomenon because from this point the policy makers are made. This paper will highlight the recruitment process of Prosperous and Justice Patry (PKS) in Yogyakarta. The time setting is after 2009 Election. There are two research questions that will be discussed here: First, what kind of strategies do PKS use in recruiting their cadres? Second, how do they select their cadre to be placed in strategic positions (party, executive, legislative)? Furthermore, this paper will adopt some theories of recruitment to examine the PKS's political party typology. Keywords: Islamic party, Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS), Yogyakart

PENGISLAMISAN SEJARAH ISLAM DI NUSANTARA DALAM CERAMAH USTAZ SALIM A FILLAH

The article focuses on the lectures of Salim A Fillah (SAF), a popular preacher known for his Islamist activism within the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Indonesia. The data is obtained through digital observation and literature review. The analysis employs the Roland Barthes semiology method to examine SAF's lectures on the history of Islamization in Nusantara, which are widely available on platforms like YouTube. The denotation stage of the analysis involves SAF dividing the history of Islam's arrival in the archipelago into seven waves, each characterized by distinct discourse. However, during the connotation stage, it is revealed that SAF's periodization of Islamic history is framed by a narrative of Islamism. This means that SAF portrays the history of Islam in the archipelago as the history of Islamism. The article suggests that SAF implicitly preaches that the saints who spread Islam in the archipelago were individuals with missionary missions similar to present-day Islamists in Indonesia. Additionally, the article highlights SAF's emphasis on transnational Islamic movements like HTI and the Muslim Brotherhood, which are associated with the PKS, as continuations of the missionary efforts of these saints. Therefore, it concludes that SAF has constructed an Islamist narration of Islamic history in Indonesia. SAF also blurred the lines between historical facts and ideological storytellin

Modul Workshop Advokasi Sosial

Modul Advokasi Sosial ini merupakan pedoman untuk seri “Workshop Advokasi Sosial untuk Ustadz Pesantren” yang diadakan CISForm. Pelatihan ini dimaksudkan sebagai salah satu upaya untuk meningkatkan kerjasama, baik antara sesama pesantren maupun antara pesantren dengan lembaga lain. Selain itu, pelatihan ini juga dimaksudkan untuk memperkenalkan konsep advokasi sosial ke dunia pesantren dengan harapan dapat dipergunakan untuk membangun citra pesantren yang semakin baik sebagai lembaga pendidikan Islam di tengah masyarakat. Modul ini disusun sebagai piranti untuk mencapai tujuan dimaksud. Diharapkan modul ini dapat dijadikan media pembelajaran selama workshop berlangsung sehingga peserta dapat mengambil banyak manfaat dari pelatihan yang terselenggara