Os crioulos da Alta Guiné e do Golfo da Guiné

Este artigo incide sobre os crioulos de base lexical portuguesa da Alta Guiné e do Golfo da Guiné, que constituem duas famílias linguísticas distintas, de formação independente, tendo por objectivo mostrar algumas tendências de convergência e de divergência a nível da estrutura sintáctica

Aspects of discontinuous negation in Santome

This paper focuses on discontinuous (or bipartite) negation patterns in Santome (henceforth ST), a Portuguese‐based Creole language spoken on the island of São Tomé in the Gulf of Guinea, historically and genetically related to three other Creole languages, namely Ngola (NG), spoken on the same island,  (LU), spoken on the island of Príncipe, and Fa d’Ambô (AB), spoken on the island of Pagalu (former Annobón).  info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Initial vowel agglutination in the Gulf of Guinea creoles

Reinterpretation of morpheme boundaries is a well-attested phenomenon in contact linguistics and language-internal diachronic change. Examples of agglutination have been noted in a wide array of creole languages (e.g. Holm 1988: 97; Parkvall 2000; 81-3) and especially in French-based creoles (e.g. Baker 1984, Grant 1995). This paper focuses on the Gulf of Guinea creoles (GGCs), where a number of etymologically consonant-initial words in the lexifier language, Portuguese, exhibit an agglutinated vowel lacking a morphological function. This property is particularly common in Lung’ie (Principense Creole). My aim is to answer the following interrelated questions: (i) Is there evidence for diachronic layering of agglutination in the GGCs? (ii) What are the workings that underlie agglutination in the GGCs? (iii) What are the origins of agglutination in the GGCs?info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

The Gulf of Guinea creoles: A case-study of syntactic reconstruction

This paper argues that creole languages do not face some of the typical problems that have been discussed with respect to syntactic reconstruction of older languages. Creoles often belong to young language families and are therefore expected to show a significant amount of syntactic identity among sister languages. Other factors, such as their isolating typology and geographical isolation, may be additional advantages in the success of syntactic reconstruction. This hypothesis is tested on the four Portuguese-related Gulf of Guinea creoles, where a high degree of identity and the use of other processes, such as directionality, prove to provide good insights into the syntactic features of the proto-language.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Clause structure in santome

Tese de doutoramento em Letras (Linguística Geral), apresentada à Universidade de Lisboa através da Faculdade de Letras, 2007Disponível no document

Creole languages and genes: The case of São Tomé and Príncipe

This article focuses on the gene-language connection between the Portugueserelated Gulf of Guinea creole-speaking populations in São Tomé and Príncipe. The Gulf of Guinea creoles constitute a young language family of four languages spoken on three islands: Santome (ST) and Angolar (AN) on the island of São Tomé; Principense (PR) on Príncipe; and Fa d’Ambo (FA) on Annobón. The latter island, which integrates Equatorial Guinea, is not included in our genetic case-study because its population has not yet been sampled.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

The Nominal Domain in Santome

In what follows we will discuss the properties of the nominal domain in Santome (ST)3 focusing on the elements that modify the interpretation of the noun and their respective interaction. It will be argued that in ST there is no substantial evidence for a Determiner Phrase (DP) (cf. Longobardi 1994, 2003). Rather, definiteness in this language is a compositional feature obtained derivationally. Furthermore, we argue that specific marker (SP) se, which behaves like a clitic, is the core element of the nominal domain, anchoring the identifiability of the noun.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Fa d’Ambô: from past to present

This article addresses the historical and sociolinguistic evolution of Fa d’Ambô, a Portuguese-related creole language spoken originally on the small island of Annobón in Equatorial Guinea. It will be shown that Fa d’Ambô and the three creole languages spoken on the islands of São Tomé and Príncipe (Santome, Angolar and Principense) descend from a single contact language that arose on the island of São Tomé and branched in the sixteenth century. After its permanent settlement in the second half of the sixteenth century, Annobón became strongly isolated until the twentieth century. Due to intense migration from Annobón to Equatorial Guinea’s multilingual capital Malabo over the last decades, Fa d’Ambô’s speech community has not only become divided but also more exposed to other languages, in particular to English-based creole Pichi, the capital’s lingua franca. Given the small size of the Fa d’Ambô speech community (approx. 5,000 speakers), it will be argued that these factors, in addition to the lack of government support for the country’s minority languages, pose an increasing threat to the survival of the language.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

The history of sentence negation in the Gulf of Guinea Creoles

We discuss the emergence of the cross-linguistically marked discontinuous/final negation pattern in the four Gulf of Guinea Creoles by taking into account the different linguistic strata and their structural profiles that contributed to the formation of the protolanguage, in particular southern Nigerian and western Bantu languages. While the phonetic source of the final negation marker (fa/f/wa~va) in the creoles remains unclear, we argue that its syntax and functions, which also include emphasis, show a strong parallel with utterance-final markers in the contributing African languages. Although the trigger of these patterns should be sought in the earliest African contribution from Nigeria, their entrenchment and full grammaticalization can be attributed to heavy secondary contact with languages of the Kongo Bantu cluster

A formação de frases relativas de PP no português oral de Cabo Verde e de São Tomé

Os mecanismos de formação de frases relativas restritivas têm sido amplamente analisados na literatura sobre o português europeu (PE) e o português brasileiro (PB) (e.g. Tarallo 1985; Brito 1991; Kato 1993; Peres & Móia 1995; Kato et al. 1996; Alexandre 2000, Kenedy 2007), focando em particular se há ou não aplicação da operação Move. No entanto, os estudos sobre construções-Q, concretamente sobre relativas restritivas, em variedades (emergentes) do português em África são ainda escassos e restringem-se essencialmente ao português de Moçambique (PM), onde se observa um processo de mudança linguística que parece privilegiar a estratégia resumptiva (Chimbutane 1996; Gonçalves 1996; Gonçalves & Stroud 1998; Brito 2001), como em Nesta comunicação, alargaremos o estudo das frases relativas ao português falado em Cabo Verde e em S. Tomé e Príncipe, baseando-nos em corpora do Centro de Linguística da Universidade de Lisboa (CLUL) descritos na secção 3. O nosso objetivo é mostrar que, nestas variedades, a estratégia canónica de piedpiping (2) convive com diversas estratégias consideradas agramaticais à luz da norma, designadamente a estratégia cortadora (3), que é particularmente comum, e as estratégias resumptiva (4) e de cópia defetiva (5), que ocorrem com menor frequência. Esta última estratégia foi apenas encontrada nos dados do POST.4 (2) Não, houve uma ocasião em que havia muita cólera, ... (POST) (3) a. Esse jornalista Ø que estamos aqui a falar, isento, objectivo... (POCV) b. Depois cheguei um momento Ø que eu vi que era vazio... (POST) (4) Meu filho foi baptizado no católico e a mulher que eu vivo com ela também é católica. (POST) (5) A própria escola que eu estudei nele. (POST) Defenderemos que a preferência pela estratégia cortadora poderá estar relacionada com a reestruturação das grelhas argumentais dos verbos no POST (R. Gonçalves 2010) e que tal facto constitui um contraste com o POCV (assim como com o PE e o PB), variedade em que a presença de relativas cortadoras não está, tipicamente, relacionada com a alteração dessas propriedades nos verbos