Statistical measurements of the zero-crossing time of a noisy sinewave

Standard deviation of difference in zero crossing times of two identical sinewaves distorted by narrowband noise behaves similarly to average value of error, but deviation is approximately one order of magnitude larger

Engine Data Interpretation System (EDIS), phase 2

A prototype of an expert system was developed which applies qualitative constraint-based reasoning to the task of post-test analysis of data resulting from a rocket engine firing. Data anomalies are detected and corresponding faults are diagnosed. Engine behavior is reconstructed using measured data and knowledge about engine behavior. Knowledge about common faults guides but does not restrict the search for the best explanation in terms of hypothesized faults. The system contains domain knowledge about the behavior of common rocket engine components and was configured for use with the Space Shuttle Main Engine (SSME). A graphical user interface allows an expert user to intimately interact with the system during diagnosis. The system was applied to data taken during actual SSME tests where data anomalies were observed

The conservative case for the Constitution, part II: The role of consensus

The United States federal government is a complicated system of interlocking branches, widely dispersed powers, and confusing lines of authority. No other feature of the American system has attracted more criticism. During the ratification debates of 1787–88, Anti-Federalist critics of the Constitution complained that it was overcomplicated, too difficult for the average person to understand, and thus likely to be dominated by economic and social elites. They believed republics should be simple in design so the people can exercise their sovereignty. Progressives such as Woodrow Wilson offered similar critiques from the end of the 19th century into the early 20th century. Progressives in the 21st century echo these older grievances when they talk about how the Constitution, through its intricate array of checks and balances, thwarts "democracy."As it is, none of the Federalist Papers, written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay in defense of the Constitution, offer a comprehensive response to this critique. "Publius," the nom de plume they used to publish the essays, focuses on the need for a national union and then a more detailed defense of particular governmental institutions—as these were the main critiques leveled by the opponents to the Constitution in 1787–88.One may be forgiven, therefore, in thinking that the whole of the Constitution is less than the sum of its parts and that there is not an underlying logic that animates the creation of not just a national union but also this specific form of a union. However, there is a unifying principle to the constitutional system, one grounded in the framers' particular understanding of republican government. The system is purposeful in its demand that consensus among the people be achieved before government action. In that way, the Constitution reduces the chances that the government is corrupted into a majoritarian tyranny

The conservative case for the Constitution, part V: Why the Union depends on consensus

In the previous entry in this series, the author enumerated the main disadvantages of a government premised on consensus, emphasizing the difficulty of expeditious action. Whenever justice or the general welfare requires the government to change policy quickly, a government like the American Constitution will perform less ably than one like the modern Britain system. When weighed against the main virtue of a system based on consensus—namely, reducing self-interested factional policymaking—a bit of an impasse appears. We seem to be left to pick our poison: a government that is reasonably fair but grossly inefficient or one that is expeditious and potentially unjust. However, consensus holds a decisive advantage as the foundation of our government because it is a necessary condition for holding together a nation as large and diverse as the United States

The New medium of print: Material communication in the internet age

Print is so familiar, that it remains invisible to the average person. This concise, fun-to-read book provides a comprehensive look at the printing industry for those thinking about the world of print for the first time, or even for industry insiders looking to regain a broader perspective. Frank Cost, associate dean of the RIT College of Imaging Arts and Sciences, and co-director of the RIT Printing Industry Center (CIAS), has delivered a book with a unique perspective on the printing industry. The New Medium of Print is a new kind of book; it provides an introduction to the underlying systems for the creation and distribution of print, as well as an exploration of its many and varied contemporary uses

The Contributions of Linn Boyd Benton and Morris Fuller Benton to the technology of typesetting and typeface design

The relative obscurity of Linn Boyd Benton and Morris Fuller Benton, is investigated. The two men, father and son, made significant contributions to the technology of typesetting and to typeface design, yet they are not now well known in the industry. Linn Boyd Benton invented a pantographic punch-cutting machine, which he later modified to engrave matrices. This machine made the Linotype machine practical, since it took the tedium and great expense out of the making of Linotype \u27mats.\u27 Benton\u27s machine was and still is used at the American Type Founders Company, and was copied for use at type founding companies and composing machine manufacturers around the world. Morris Fuller Benton was the first type designer to develop the concept of the type family, and also revived many beautiful types like Baskerville, Bulmer, Bodoni, and Garamond. He designed more types than any other American type designer, and many of them are still in wide use. Benton\u27s father collaborated on the original Century type, and Morris Benton designed Century Expanded, Century Oldstyle, Century Catalogue, Century Schoolbook, and all the italic, bold, condensed and extended versions that went along with them. He designed a variety of types, from gothics to moderns to classic revivals. Some of Benton\u27s types became popular right away, and others, like Souvenir, became popular years after Benton died. The Bentons were written about in the printing literature of their day, but only a few recent and fairly obscure articles have mentioned them. It is shown that the reason for this is most probably due to the modesty and reticence of the Bentons. Both father and son worked for the American Type Founders (ATF) Company, which did not promote its employees but instead advertised its products. So while ATF became the most influential type founding company in the country, the Bentons remained relative unknowns. The story of their professional and personal lives, and the story of ATF\u27s rise and decline are included. Morris Benton\u27s type designs are discussed, and the ATF method of making type is given

The conservative case for the Constitution, part III: How the Constitution promotes consensus

In the second report in this series, the author posited that consensus was the central premise of the American system of government—as opposed to alternatives such as simple majoritarianism or a government of mixed estates.Before reviewing consensus' advantages and disadvantages, it is important to examine how the Constitution forces factions in society to bargain with one another. Some of these are familiar to students of American politics from James Madison's explanations in the Federalist Papers. His notion of the extended republic in theory secures consensus through the nation's size and diversity. America would be too large for any single group to dominate, forcing factions to find common ground. Madison's theory of checks and balances, discussed in Federalist 51, has a similar effect on the agents in government: They will not be able to accumulate undue powers for themselves, because each can check the others. They will have to work together if they want to enact policies.While Madison forcefully advocated for consensus, he was far from the only one. Many of Madison's opponents at the Constitutional Convention worried that his proposals would not do enough to forge consensus in the political community. Their concerns are partly responsible for the federal nature of the American system. Moderate nationalists from small states—such as John Dickinson of Delaware and Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut—agreed with Madison that the national government had to grow more powerful. But they worried that Madison's idea of the extended republic would not prevent dangerous majorities from forming. Thus, the Senate, in which each state receives exactly two votes, was created to protect smaller states and further ensure that public policy receives broad support. Likewise, the efforts to limit the scope of national power made common ground easier by limiting the scope of conflict in federal politics

The conservative case for the Constitution, part VIII: A plea for the virtue of ecumenicalism

The purpose of this report series has been to defend the Constitution as an effective instrument of government. This is not to say we should be at all satisfied with the state of American politics. There is widespread agreement in the nation that the country's politics is in poor shape.Legislative inertia has emboldened the other branches to involve themselves more in the process of governance, distorting the Constitution's original vision, which had made Congress paramount. Presidents effectively legislate through executive action, and the courts peer at statutory language written half a century ago to resolve today's conflicts. Meanwhile, Congress does practically nothing.This dysfunction has prodded many on the left to call for fundamental changes to the Constitution. They argue, following in Woodrow Wilson's footsteps some 120 years ago, that our instrument of government is too old and obsolete. It must be updated—altered to fit the exigencies of the present crisis. Power is too dispersed, numerical majorities are not empowered to govern, and the result is aimlessness and drift.In the previous report in this series, I suggested circumstances in which constitutional amendments may be prudent. But everything depends on the goal of such changes. Is it to make it easier for the Constitution to facilitate consensus? Or is the ambition to tear down existing structures to empower majorities to govern in the absence of consensus? Oftentimes, it seems as though contemporary critics are more animated by the latter than the former

The conservative case for the Constitution, part I: The problems of human nature

In the Donald Trump era, progressives have taken their ire out on not only the former president and the Republican Party but also the Constitution. The progressive critique of the Constitution suggests a fair question: How would a conservative case for the Constitution look?This series of reports intends to encourage conservatives to think through the progressive arguments and formulate a response. It will help us better understand our own views, identify legitimate progressive criticisms, and perhaps devise solutions to existing problems in our system of government