Ustrojowe przesłanki rozpadu Jugosławii. Wzorzec dla Bośni i Hercegowiny?

Pisząc o Bośni i Hercegowinie (BiH) nie sposób uciec od problematyki jugosłowiańskiej — to dziedzictwo wciąż świeże, które podąża za nią w postaci sloganu „Jugosławia w miniaturze”. Nie sposób zaprzeczyć, że jedną z przesłanek rozpadu Jugosławii była kwestia niewydolnych rozwiązań ustrojowych. Rodzi to pokusę porównania ustroju SFRJ i BiH, a na jego gruncie próby odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy rozwiązania ustrojowe, a także ich niewątpliwa niewydolność, mają w obydwu wypadkach ten sam charakter? Jeżeli tak, to czy jeżeli już raz zawiodły, mogą stać się podstawą ewentualnego rozpadu Bośni?Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu „Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia”. Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00

State-building in dysfunctional, divided societies : topicality of consociationalism

It is possible to indicate three mutually connected notions: dysfunctionality, armed conflicts, and deep cleavages. Leaving aside the attempt to determine causal relationship among them, we can still talk about their interdependency. The set of countries defined as dysfunctional or failed and the appearance of armed confl ict - past, but in the majority of cases present - overlaps. However, there is also a third dimension, deep divisions based on ethnicity which plays an important, if not crucial, role as a cause, eff ect and a factor defining state-building process in this kind of countries. Dysfunctional states imply thus disagreement between communities. Because of this interdependence, not only the reconstructed system, but also peace and democracy related to it, should be founded on power-sharing mechanisms. The problem is that this model, especially its consociational version - the international community's favorite remedy for building peace, democracy, and stability after armed confl icts - is widely criticized and causes a lot of problems resulting from its implementation and functioning. Solution proposed in the paper, derived from new institutionalism, suggests diff erent approach to institutions and emphasis on the role of actors' political culture. Moreover, the cohesion of mutual relations between political actors and institutions is here of crucial importance

Szukając niezależności

SEEKING INDEPENDENCE: DE FACTO ETHNIC AUTONOMIES IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV SPACE The violent breakup of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union in the early 1990s meant that the link between territorial autonomy and accommodation of groups in the post-communist world has been regarded almost uncritically as an anathema and a threat to the territorial integrity of the state. Nevertheless, territorial solutions are still taken into consideration as suggested tools for regulating ethnic and national tensions – in the post-communist area, three forms of their implementation can be identified: federalism and formally existing autonomous regions; decentralisation, which can be reduced to classical self-government with a strong ethnic component (e.g., Macedonia); and de facto ethnic autonomies based either on formal structures, as in the case of Macedonia, or informal ones, as in the cases of Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Having said that, the aim of this article is to compare these three de facto ethnic autonomies, i.e. structures existing outside formal territorial arrangements, that have been developed in the post-conflict and post-Yugoslav space: Serb in Kosovo, Albanian in Macedonia and Croat in Bosnia. Moreover, I also assume that their level of autonomy depends on the policies and support of kin states connected to these entities by ethno-national ties

Federalism. Constitutional form of the realization of the yugolsav concept

This paper is an attempt to present the phenomenon of federalism as derived from yugoslav concept, and which for nearly 100 years (since the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918 to continue existing in Bosnia and Herzegovina) Yugoslav reality is confronted. Comparative analysis of Yugoslav federalism concerns both the structural aspect (individual constitutional solutions), and process (relationships between entities in the federation, however, due to the volume of work only between two levels of government: central and components without the local government). Only such a holistic approach to the matter provides the tools to analyze a specific kind of federalism, which was socialist federalism in the Yugoslav issue. Moreover, this will enable indication in federalism the causes of the collapse of the succesive yugoslav countries. In addition, work includes themes of the political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is so reasonable, that the state is called "Yugoslavia in miniature" is facing similar constitutional solutions and related problems, as was Yugoslavia.Niniejsza praca jest próbą przedstawienia federalizmu jako zjawiska wywodzącego się z jugoslawizmu, a z którym od blisko 100 lat (od powstania Królestwa Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców w 1918 r. do wciąż istniejącej Bośni i Hercegowiny) konfrontowana jest jugosłowiańska rzeczywistość. Analiza porównawcza jugosłowiańskiego federalizmu dotyczy zarówno jego aspektu strukturalnego (poszczególnych rozwiązań ustrojowych), jak i procesowego (relacje między podmiotami władzy w federacji, jednak ze względu na objętość pracy jedynie pomiędzy dwoma poziomami władzy: centralnym i części składowych z pominięciem samorządu lokalnego). Tylko tak całościowe ujęcie rozważanej kwestii dostarcza narzędzi pozwalających dokonać analizy specyficznego rodzaju federalizmu, jakim był federalizm socjalistyczny w jego jugosłowiańskim wydaniu. Co więcej umożliwi to wskazanie właśnie w federalizmie przyczyn upadku kolejnych państw jugosłowiańskich. Ponadto praca obejmuje tematykę systemu politycznego Bośni i Hercegowiny, co jest o tyle uzasadnione, że państwo to nazywane „Jugosławią w miniaturze” stawia czoła podobnym rozwiązaniom ustrojowym i podobnym problemom jak niegdysiejsza Jugosławia

Comparison of the Ventral Approach to the Canine Hip Joint Using Gelpi Retractors and an Elastic O-Ring Wound Retractor

This study included 10 fresh adult cadavers of large breed dogs (6 males and 4 females). Their weight ranged from 25 to 45 kg (mean ± SD: 33.9 ± 6.2 kg). The breeds represented were crossbreed dogs (n = 5), German shepherds (n = 2), Bernese mountain dogs (n = 1), American Staffordshire terriers (n = 1), and Gordon setters (n = 1). Access to the target area and identification of the femoral head and neck was achieved with two Gelpi retractors inserted orthogonally and with the O-WR in all procedures. In each dog, the approach to the hip joint was made on the left and right sides. There was no significant difference in the area of the surgical wound bed between the two sides using either the Gelpi retractors (−0.52 ± 1.87 cm2; CI 95%: −1.86, 0.81 cm2; p = 0.398) or the O-WR (−0.27 ± 2.34 cm2; CI 95%: −1.94, 1.41 cm2; p = 0.729). The area of the surgical wound bed was 6.28 ± 1.72 cm2 (2.72–9.70 cm2) for the Gelpi retractors and 6.34 ± 1.81 cm2 (4.13–10.77 cm2) for the O-WR, and the difference between the Gelpi retractors and the O-WR was not significant (−0.06 ± 1.72 cm2; CI 95%: −0.86, 0.74 cm2; p = 0.879

Contesting Postwar Mostar

This chapter employs negotiating agency on postwar Mostar (Bosnia-Herzegovina) to understand acts come about in its urban conflicts over peace(s). The first line of analysis uses a feature film about the city to explore the negotiation between Slavko (who wants to act in line with the coexisting peace) and a world that enforces the ethnonational—Bosniak and Croat—peace(s). The generated insights on how difficult it to pursue coexisting acts in an ethnonationalist world are then contextualised in non-fiction Mostar where two foci emerge: compliance with as well as resistance towards the ethnonational peace(s) by people supporting the coexisting one. The second line of analysis subsequently explores how the ethnonational grip on employment and the segregated education system drives people towards ethnonational acts while the third line of analysis explores how students at the Old Gymnasium as well as activists at Abrašević manage to negotiate coexisting acts

Antidotes in Clinical Toxicology—Critical Review

Poisoning and overdose are very important aspects in medicine and toxicology. Chemical weapons pose a threat to civilians, and emergency medicine principles must be followed when dealing with patients who have been poisoned or overdosed. Antidotes have been used for centuries and modern research has led to the development of new antidotes that can accelerate the elimination of toxins from the body. Although some antidotes have become less relevant due to modern intensive care techniques, they can still save lives or reduce the severity of toxicity. The availability of antidotes is crucial, especially in developing countries where intensive care facilities may be limited. This article aims to provide information on specific antidotes, their recommended uses, and potential risks and new uses. In the case of poisoning, supportive therapies are most often used; however, in many cases, the administration of an appropriate antidote saves the patient’s life. In this review, we reviewed the literature on selected antidotes used in the treatment of poisonings. We also characterised the antidotes (bio)chemically. We described the cases in which they are used together with the dosage recommendations. We also analysed the mechanisms of action. In addition, we described alternative methods of using a given substance as a drug, an example of which is N-acetylcysteine, which can be used in the treatment of COVID-19. This article was written as part of the implementation of the project of the Polish Ministry of Education and Science, “Toxicovigilance, poisoning prevention, and first aid in poisoning with xenobiotics of current clinical importance in Poland”, grant number SKN/SP/570184/2023