Mehr Bildung für alle! Die BMZ Bildungsstrategie 2010–2013 – ein Neuanfang für die Bildungszusammenarbeit mit Entwicklungsländern?

Vor dem Erfahrungshorizont der bisherigen Bildungszusammenarbeit (BZ) unternimmt der Autor eine kritische Würdigung des neuen Strategiepapiers des BMZ. Positiv hervorgehoben werden die Neuorientierungen, die den Stellenwert der BZ erhöhen, z.B. die Betonung des ganzheitlichen Ansatzes, oder die Suche nach innovativen Konzepten in der BZ. Zugleich werden einige Zweifel an einer zeitnahen Umsetzbarkeit der ambitiösen Konzeption artikuliert. (DIPF/Orig.)With regard to experiences of German educational cooperation over time the author undertakes a critical assessment of the new educational strategy paper of the German Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development. He underlines the forward looking orientation of the document which enhances the importance and significance of educational cooperation by particularly referring to a holistic approach of education, and the quest for innovative concepts. At the same time, some doubts are raised about the feasibility of this ambitious programme within a reasonable period of time. (DIPF/Orig.

Bildung in Zimbabwe zwischen Rassen- und Klassenprivilegien

SIGLEAvailable from Bibliothek des Instituts fuer Weltwirtschaft, ZBW, Duesternbrook Weg 120, D-24105 Kiel C 161981 / FIZ - Fachinformationszzentrum Karlsruhe / TIB - Technische InformationsbibliothekDEGerman

Dépolitisations d une épidémie (la lutte internationale contre le sida et les politiques de santé en Tanzanie)

Alors que les stratégies de lutte contre le sida en Afrique sub-saharienne mettent en jeu des compromis politiques nationaux fondamentaux, elles sont souvent formulées dé manière hétéronome et dans un contexte marqué par la prédominance des bailleurs occidentaux. À partir de l'étude du cas tanzanien, cette thèse analyse différents aspects proprement politiques de la lutte contre le sida, à travers une double perspective : l étude de l'élaboration des stratégies nationales de prévention et de traitement du VIH et l'analyse critique de leurs fondements biologiques et épidémiologiques. La recherche se fonde sur une enquête de terrain combinant des entretiens approfondis avec les principaux acteurs institutionnels au niveau national, et l observation des processus décisionnels lors de réunions programmatiques. Cette thèse met ainsi en évidence l attention politique inégale accordée aux différents récits causaux de la propagation du virus, et le rôle de ces histoires causales dans la formulation des politiques de prévention. Elle donne à voir les stratégies de non-décision, ou de contournement du politique qu adoptent les acteurs face aux arbitrages difficiles qu impose la définition des priorités dans un contexte d insuffisance des ressources. Enfin, à partir d une analyse des controverses au sujet des effets de la réponse internationale au VIH/sida sur la cohérence des politiques de santé en Tanzanie, la thèse explore les contradictions d'une lutte verticale contre le sida dans un contexte marqué par un système de soins défaillant et une mauvaise santé générale de la population. Elle examiné, sur cette base, les conditions d élaboration d une critique émancipatrice.AlDS-control strategies in sub-Saharan Africa involve crucial national political compromises. Yet, they are frequently formulated in heteronymous settings dominated by Western donor agencies. Drawing on a case study of Tanzania, a country whose response to the epidemic is 97% donor-funded, this thesis develops a political economy of international AIDS control. it explores some of the specifically political aspects of the struggle against HIV/AIDS in Tanzania by analysing the formulation of national 1-llV-prévention and treatment policies, and confronting these policies with a critical review of their biological and epidemiological foundations. The eldwork combines a series of 92 in-depth interviews with key policymakers at the national level with the observation of AIDS-related decision processes in donor-government meetings. in this way, this \l1ésis analyses the unequal political attention given to different causal stories of the spread of HIV, and their impact on the use of evidence in the formulation of prevention policies. Moreover, it describes how AIDS policymakers adopt non-decision strategies when faced with the intricate trade-offs imposed by the inescapable prioritization of HIV-prevention and -treatment interventions in a context of insufficient resources. Finally, developing upon an analysis of the controversy among players about the effects of international AIDS control on the overall coherence of national health policies, the thesis explores the contradictions of a vertical AIDS response in a context of dysfunctional health systems and poor general population health. On this basis, it examines the possibilities to elaborate an emancipatory critique.PARIS3-BU (751052102) / SudocPARIS-Fondation MSH (751062301) / SudocSudocFranceGermanyFRD

Alternative Paths to Primary Education in Rural India: Five case studies of GAA-assisted educational projects

This study analyses five educational projects in India that are supported by German Agro Action (GAA) and the European Union (EU) and are executed on the ground by Indian NGOs. Located in different geographical parts of India, the projects follow different ideological and pedagogical approaches. The study does not claim, especially given the size and diversity of Indian society, to represent the Indian educational situation as a whole. Rather, it intends to elucidate some alternative approaches adopted by the specific projects to overcome the existing shortcomings of the Indian primary educational system. Using a range of qualitative indicators pertaining to the educational philosophy of the organisations, their curriculum, pedagogy, relationship with the state, relevance, effectiveness etc. the study critically reflects on each of the project, each of which works in areas where educational facilities are not easily accessible. The study thus helps further understanding about how the deficiencies of primary education in India, with regard to the underprivileged sections of the Indian society in particular, can be innovatively addressed. It should be noted that all findings and interpretations are those of the study team and do not necessarily represent those of GAA

The Thai-German small water resources development project in rural areas phase II (SWRD II): a mid-term evaluation of the CDG-SEAPO project in Northeast Thailand

SIGLEAvailable from Bibliothek des Instituts fuer Weltwirtschaft, ZBW, Duesternbrook Weg 120, D-24105 Kiel C 196798 / FIZ - Fachinformationszzentrum Karlsruhe / TIB - Technische InformationsbibliothekDEGerman

Südafrika, friedlicher Wandel?

Our aim in this book is not to tell black or white South Africans what they ought to do. Rather, we try to establish through empirical social research what the various groups would like to do, and what they are in fact able to do. The overall issue which we consider is whether conflict can be regulated both peacefully and democratically. The events of 1976 and 1977 established beyond doubt that conflict exists on a large scale in South Africa. The conflict is both open and latent. Its causes include the distribution of income and wealth between different groups, the enforced social segregation of the groups from each other, and the monopoly of power by one of the groups. This one group has used and continues to use its power to regulate the conflict, and does so unilaterally and towards its own ends. Now conflict can be regulated in this way for a considerable period of time—longer than the whites dare hope and the blacks concede. But it is unlikely that power can be exercised indefinitely without the consent of the majority. Indeed, the longer a group exercises power without consent, the more likely is violent change. Given the distribution of power in contemporary South Africa, violent change would involve enormous sacrifices all round. So we consider the chances of peaceful change. Unfortunately, the chances seem slim. A glance at history shows that minorities tend to cling obstinately to their privileges, and then lose everything in defending them. One is far less likely to find minorities who have made timely sacrifices of some things in order to hold onto others. Similarly, once the tables are turned, the majorities that have been exploited and maltreated more often give vent to their long-suppressed feelings of hate and revenge than explore the possibilities for a peaceful take-over of power. Even so, however likely such developments may be when seen from a historical perspective, there is no ‘iron law of history’ which categorically excludes the possibility of peaceful change under the conditions obtaining in South Africa. And the ‘social costs’—a euphemism in social science for human suffering—of violent change are so high that one is surely justified in exploring the constraints, however narrow they might be, within which the current system of conflict regulation in South Africa might be peacefully transformed. This consideration is even more important in the present global political situation; for change by violent means will not only endanger the parties directly concerned, but may also endanger the peace of the African continent and perhaps that of the rest of the world. We also want to know whether conflict can be regulated democratically. We assume that the rule of law, social justice, and democratic rights are not the prerogatives of wealthy Western states. We believe that all the members of a society should be able to decide freely on how they want to shape their economic, cultural, and political coexistence. This study is thus motivated by a specific interest: we want to ascertain what scope there is in contemporary South Africa for changing the existing system of domination, so as to allow the democratic regulation of conflict, more social justice, a greater diversity of cultural expression, and wider freedom for all South Africans. We stress that we are concerned with the democratic regulation of conflict. For this purpose, the context in which conflict originated in South Africa is only relevant to the extent that it may still influence the present situation. Similarly, explanations of the phenomenon of conflict will be relevant only if they let us formulate more precisely the problem of how conflict may be peacefully and democratically regulated. This problem is important not because it contributes to the progress of social science—that contribution may be modest—but because it bears on the fate of many human beings. We have tried to offer answers which can be supported by empirical inquiry. Although the literature on conflict regulation in South Africa has expanded rapidly in recent years, it is characterized by a lack of empirical data on the attitudes and opinions of the groups and individuals involved in the political process. We felt it would be useful if we lessened these gaps in our knowledge by empirical means. But data on the attitudes and opinions of black and white South Africans are hardly a sufficient basis for reliable predictions about South Africa’s future. Events in South Africa will not only be determined by the opinions and wishes of its inhabitants but also, as is becoming increasingly evident, by forces and influences outside the country. However, the latter have been expressly excluded from the present study; it is concerned, ceteris paribus, with internal South African developments. But even with respect to internal developments, what actually happens in a society is only partly determined by what the members of the society think and want. It would thus be foolhardy to base a comprehensive prognostication on opinion surveys alone. On the other hand, empirical surveys may facilitate a precise answer to the overall problem we have set ourselves. Empirical research can indicate how far white South Africans are prepared for peaceful change and democratic conflict regulation, and similarly, what change black South Africans expect and what means of conflict regulation they are prepared to accept. Does the preparedness of the whites match or fall far short of the expectations of the blacks? The question is crucial to change without violence. Thus, in respect of our motivation and of the limitations we have set on the nature of our inquiry, this study must be seen as an empirical contribution to research into conflict and peace

Metaorganisms in extreme environments: do microbes play a role in organismal adaptation?

From protists to humans, all animals and plants are inhabited by microbial organisms. There is an increasing appreciation that these resident microbes influence the fitness of their plant and animal hosts, ultimately forming a metaorganism consisting of a uni- or multicellular host and a community of associated microorganisms. Research on host–microbe interactions has become an emerging cross-disciplinary field. In both vertebrates and invertebrates a complex microbiome confers immunological, metabolic and behavioural benefits; conversely, its disturbance can contribute to the development of disease states. However, the molecular and cellular mechanisms controlling the interactions within a metaorganism are poorly understood and many key interactions between the associated organisms remain unknown. In this perspective article, we outline some of the issues in interspecies interactions and in particular address the question of how metaorganisms react and adapt to inputs from extreme environments such as deserts, the intertidal zone, oligothrophic seas, and hydrothermal vent