413 research outputs found
The rhetoric of presidential summit diplomacy: Ronald Reagan and the U.S. Soviet summits, 1985-1988
President Ronald Reagan participated in more U.S.-Soviet summits than any
previous U.S. president, as he met with his Soviet counterpart, Mikhail Gorbachev, on
four occasions between November 1985 and June 1988. Prior to, during, and following
each meeting with Gorbachev, Reagan often engaged in the rhetoric of public
diplomacy, including speeches, statements, and media interviews. The four Reagan-
Gorbachev summits accompanied significant changes in U.S.-Soviet relations, in the
Cold War, and also within the Soviet Union. Many scholars attribute improved U.S.-
Soviet relations to a change in Reagan’s Soviet rhetoric and policies, arguing that he
abandoned the confrontation of his first term for conciliation during his second term.
Other scholars argue that Reagan failed to abandon confrontation and, consequently,
missed opportunities to support the liberalization of the Soviet system. Based upon
close analysis of Reagan’s summit rhetoric, this dissertation contends that he did not
abandon his confrontational policy objectives, but he did modify his rhetoric about the
Soviets. Reagan reformulated the conventional Cold War rhetoric of rapprochement that
emphasized nuclear arms controls as the path to world peace by emphasizing increased U.S.-Soviet trust as prerequisite to new arms treaties. Reagan’s summit rhetoric
emphasized the need for the Soviets to make changes in non-nuclear arms areas as a
means of reducing international mistrust and increasing the likelihood of new U.S.-
Soviet arms treaties. Reagan advocated that the Soviets participate in increased bilateral
people-to-people exchanges, demonstrate respect for human rights, and disengage from
various regional conflicts, especially Afghanistan. Reagan adopted a dualistic strategy
that combined confrontation and conciliation as he sought to promote those changes in
Soviet policies and practices. During his second term as president, Reagan made his
confrontational rhetoric less strident and also used more conciliatory discourse. At the
same time, he subsumed his anti-Soviet objectives within his conciliatory rhetoric. This
rhetorical strategy allowed Reagan to continue to advocate anti-Soviet objectives while
at the same time seeking to promote improved relations and world peace. The findings
of this dissertation suggest that existing scholarly views of Reagan’s summit rhetoric and
his role in promoting the liberalization of the Soviet system should be reconsidered
The rhetoric of presidential summit diplomacy: Ronald Reagan and the U.S. Soviet summits, 1985-1988
President Ronald Reagan participated in more U.S.-Soviet summits than any
previous U.S. president, as he met with his Soviet counterpart, Mikhail Gorbachev, on
four occasions between November 1985 and June 1988. Prior to, during, and following
each meeting with Gorbachev, Reagan often engaged in the rhetoric of public
diplomacy, including speeches, statements, and media interviews. The four Reagan-
Gorbachev summits accompanied significant changes in U.S.-Soviet relations, in the
Cold War, and also within the Soviet Union. Many scholars attribute improved U.S.-
Soviet relations to a change in Reagan’s Soviet rhetoric and policies, arguing that he
abandoned the confrontation of his first term for conciliation during his second term.
Other scholars argue that Reagan failed to abandon confrontation and, consequently,
missed opportunities to support the liberalization of the Soviet system. Based upon
close analysis of Reagan’s summit rhetoric, this dissertation contends that he did not
abandon his confrontational policy objectives, but he did modify his rhetoric about the
Soviets. Reagan reformulated the conventional Cold War rhetoric of rapprochement that
emphasized nuclear arms controls as the path to world peace by emphasizing increased U.S.-Soviet trust as prerequisite to new arms treaties. Reagan’s summit rhetoric
emphasized the need for the Soviets to make changes in non-nuclear arms areas as a
means of reducing international mistrust and increasing the likelihood of new U.S.-
Soviet arms treaties. Reagan advocated that the Soviets participate in increased bilateral
people-to-people exchanges, demonstrate respect for human rights, and disengage from
various regional conflicts, especially Afghanistan. Reagan adopted a dualistic strategy
that combined confrontation and conciliation as he sought to promote those changes in
Soviet policies and practices. During his second term as president, Reagan made his
confrontational rhetoric less strident and also used more conciliatory discourse. At the
same time, he subsumed his anti-Soviet objectives within his conciliatory rhetoric. This
rhetorical strategy allowed Reagan to continue to advocate anti-Soviet objectives while
at the same time seeking to promote improved relations and world peace. The findings
of this dissertation suggest that existing scholarly views of Reagan’s summit rhetoric and
his role in promoting the liberalization of the Soviet system should be reconsidered
James Webb Throckmorton: the life and career of a southern frontier politician, 1825-1894
Many scholars of the Reconstruction era have examined
James Webb Throckmorton??s political career between 1860 and
1867 and have revealed that his racist views helped hasten
the end of Radical Reconstruction in Texas. However, these
scholars have not explained the motivations behind
Throckmorton??s political ideology, nor have they explained
adequately the origins of the North Texan??s racism. This
dissertation focuses on these critical issues by examining
the development of Throckmorton??s personal and political
beliefs between 1850 and 1874. It shows that
Throckmorton??s political ideology was influenced by four
primary factors: his early experiences on the North Texas
frontier, his desire to create a community on the frontier
that was primarily designed to be a haven for white
settlers, his commitment to political conservatism which
evolved from his early affiliation with Whig political
ideology, and his quest to bring economic improvement to
the North Texas region. In contrast to other scholarly
works on Throckmorton which claim that the North Texan??s
political views were contradictory and inconsistent, this
study demonstrates that Throckmorton??s ideological beliefs
remained constant and changed little over time. His
commitment to preserving the whiteness of the frontier, to
protecting the settlers of his home region, to conservative
political ideology, and to internal improvements,
especially railroads, never wavered during one of the most
turbulent periods in Texas politics. This study also
reinforces several important conclusions about the South in
the nineteenth century: The region was never a homogeneous
society; southern racism was multifaceted; and southern
settlers migrating westward, especially those from the
Upper South, viewed the frontier as a potential escape from
the political and social dominance of large slaveholders
Effectiveness, Feasibility, and Acceptability of Dynamic Elastomeric Fabric Orthoses (DEFO) for Managing Pain, Functional Capacity, and Quality of Life during Prenatal and Postnatal Care: A Systematic Review
Experience Corps: Health Outcomes of Participation
Experience Corps: Health Outcomes of Participatio
Experience Corps: Changes in Activity Associated With Participation
Experience Corps: Changes in Activity Associated With Participatio
Impact of margin size on the predicted risk of radiogenic second cancers following proton arc therapy and volumetric modulated arc therapy for prostate cancer
We previously determined that the predicted risk of radiogenic second cancer in the bladder and rectum after proton arc therapy (PAT) was less than or equal to that after volumetric modulated arc therapy (VMAT) with photons, but we did not consider the impact of margin size on that risk. The current study was thus conducted to evaluate margin size\u27s effect on the predicted risks of second cancer for the two modalities and the relative risk between them. Seven treatment plans with margins ranging from 0 mm in all directions to 6 mm posteriorly and 8 mm in all other directions were considered for both modalities. We performed risk analyses using three risk models with varying amounts of cell sterilization and calculated ratios of risk for the corresponding PAT and VMAT plans. We found that the change in risk with margin size depended on the risk model but that the relative risk remained nearly constant with margin size, regardless of the amount of cell sterilization modeled. We conclude that while margin size influences the predicted risk of a second cancer for a given modality, it appears to affect both modalities in roughly equal proportions so that the relative risk between PAT and VMAT is approximately equivalent. © 2012 Institute of Physics and Engineering in Medicine
Applications of Multi-Body Dynamical Environments: The ARTEMIS Transfer Trajectory Design
The application of forces in multi-body dynamical environments to pennit the transfer of spacecraft from Earth orbit to Sun-Earth weak stability regions and then return to the Earth-Moon libration (L1 and L2) orbits has been successfully accomplished for the first time. This demonstrated transfer is a positive step in the realization of a design process that can be used to transfer spacecraft with minimal Delta-V expenditures. Initialized using gravity assists to overcome fuel constraints; the ARTEMIS trajectory design has successfully placed two spacecraft into EarthMoon libration orbits by means of these applications
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