'Measure twice, cut once' - revisiting the strength and impact of local planning regulation of housing development in England

There has been growing interest in the impact of land-use regulation and planning on housing development and markets, and a consequent search for quantified measures of their extent and efficacy. Nevertheless, despite the UK having a long-established and comprehensive planning system, this kind of quantitative analysis of system performance has been limited. This paper assembles and reports on a set of local-level measures for England for the late 2000s and assesses their effectiveness in predicting the key flow-of-consents measure and actual housing development. The pattern of restrictiveness is assessed against broad sustainability criteria including urban settlement structure, economic growth potential, and housing affordability and need. We also assess recent changes and the potential impact of a major system change towards more localised planning decision making. </jats:p

Cost-allocation principles for pipeline capacity and usage

This paper applies principles f rom game theory to the problem o f allocating the cost o f a shared facility, such as a pipeline. The theory o f cooperative games s t r ongl y suggest s t hat no method e x i s t s for allocating costs that wi l l achieve all major policy goals. We apply results from the theory o f cooperative games a n d principles o f cost allocation to assess some c o mmo n l y adopted rules for allocating costs and def i ni ng u n i t charges. Mos t notably, the postage-stamp toll is f o u n d to fail a mi ni mal set o f commonly applied principles.cost allocation; pipeline

Trait openness and agreeableness are related to a left-leaning political orientation but are negatively related to the endorsement of totalitarian ideals

Although relationships between temperament and political orientation are well established [1-2], it is unclear whether they are moderated by opinions on how we should execute our political ambitions, with or without regard to individual liberty. We examined whether prior relationships between personality and political orientation are replicated using a short-form measure of the Big Five, and whether the extent of these relationships differ when including the endorsement of totalitarian ideals in the same model. We also examined whether self-reported dominance was related to the endorsement of totalitarian ideals, which may develop recent theorizing on the role of agentic personality traits in alliance politics and leadership emergence. [1] Gerber et al. (2010). Am Political Sci Rev, 104, 111-133. [2] Hirsh et al. (2010). Pers Soc Psychol Bull, 36, 655-664 [3] Watkins (2018). In Facial Displays of Leaders (Chapter). [4] van Vugt &amp; Grabo (2015). Curr Dir Psychol Sci, 24, 484-489. [5] Judge &amp; Bono (2000). J Appl Psychol, 85, 751-765

Seishin Habitus: Spiritual Capital and Japanese Rowing

Sport occupies an important place in educational curriculum, such as club activities in Japanese schools and universities; is it also imbued with what Bourdieu suggests are guaranteed capital properties? That is, can physical education help to accrue capital and can such capital become cultural and economic capital? Further, is this capital similar to that resulting from academic education? Although Western culture recognizes Cartesian differentiation, mind and body are seen as one in the Japanese understanding of the individual, unified by the concept of spirit (this is different to the concept of soul). Recognizing this concept of the body is crucial in addressing the question of transferring educational (in this case physical) capital into forms of cultural capital. This paper investigates the responses of members of a Japanese University Rowing club when addressing questions dealing with various uses of the body in rowing and perceived opportunities for future employment

Social transmission of leadership preference:knowledge of group membership and partisan media reporting moderates perceptions of leadership ability from facial cues to competence and dominance

While first impressions of dominance and competence can influence leadership preference, social transmission of leadership preference has received little attention. The capacity to transmit, store and compute information has increased greatly over recent history, and the new media environment may encourage partisanship (i.e. ‘echo chambers’), misinformation and rumour spreading to support political and social causes and be conducive both to emotive writing and emotional contagion, which may shape voting behaviour. In our pre-registered experiment, we examined whether implicit associations between facial cues to dominance and competence (intelligence) and leadership ability are strengthened by partisan media and knowledge that leaders support or oppose us on a socio-political issue of personal importance. Social information, in general, reduced well-established implicit associations between facial cues and leadership ability. However, as predicted, social knowledge of group membership reduced preferences for facial cues to high dominance and intelligence in out-group leaders. In the opposite-direction to our original prediction, this ‘in-group bias’ was greater under less partisan versus partisan media, with partisan writing eliciting greater state anxiety across the sample. Partisanship also altered the salience of women’s facial appearance (i.e., cues to high dominance and intelligence) in out-group versus in-group leaders. Independent of the media environment, men and women displayed an in-group bias toward facial cues of dominance in same-sex leaders. Our findings reveal effects of minimal social information (facial appearance, group membership, media reporting) on leadership judgements, which may have implications for patterns of voting or socio-political behaviour at the local or national level

Faculty Recital: David Watkins, piano

KSU School of Music presents David Watkins, piano.https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/musicprograms/1198/thumbnail.jp

Republicanism at Work: Strategies for Supporting Resistance to Domination in the Workplace

Work, as organized in contemporary workplaces and situated in social and political structures, poses a threat to freedom that has been underappreciated in political theory, especially liberal political theory. The recent revival of republicanism offers an intriguing alternative: Can republicanism do any better, with respect to work and freedom? An examination of the workplace through a republican lens does a better job of helping us make sense of the way work threatens freedom — by exposing us to the threat of domination — and it can generate at least three plausible proposals that might render resistance to domination in the workplace more successful: enhanced exit, workplace constitutionalism, and workplace democracy. But this is where republican political theory leaves us. In order to adjudicate between these strategies, as well as identify positive goals to accompany the avoidance of domination, we must turn to democratic theory and pay closer attention to how workers, as a distinct subset of the population, pursue the project of enhancing and protecting freedom in the workplace. This examination makes clear that a missing concept in neorepublican theory is resistance — workers seeking non-domination through their own initiatives. Once this modification is made, the relative importance of workplace democracy for securing non-domination becomes clearer

Institutionalizing Freedom as Nondomination: Democracy and the Role of the State

This article critically examines neo-republican democratic theory, as articulated by Philip Pettit, with respect to its capacity to address some of the pressing challenges of our times. While the neo-republican focus on domination has great promise, it mistakenly commits to the position that democracy—the primary tool with which we fight domination—is limited to state activity. Examining this error helps us make sense of two additional problems with his theory: an overestimation of the capacity of legislative bodies to identify sufficient responses to practices of domination, and the potential conflict between avoiding state domination of the general citizenry and avoiding state domination of a part of it. Minimizing domination is simply too demanding and complex a task for us to rely on one institutional structure, no matter how well designed, to accomplish