From the politics of resistance to the politics of reconstruction: The union and 'ungovernability' in the workplace

African Studies Seminar series. Paper presented 22 September 1997South Africa has undergone momentous change over the past decade. The trade union movement in the shape of COSATU has played a central role in that change. During the late 1980s it became the most organised and visible component of the internal mass democratic movement. After 1990 it became the major alliance partner of the unbanned ANC. On the one hand COSATU was an important advocate and organiser of the mass mobilisation campaigns which kept up the momentum of national political negotiations. It was the originator of the Reconstruction and Development Programme [RDP], later taken up by the ANC as the core of its election and governmental programme. COSATU also provided much of the organisation and the personnel for the ANC election campaign in 1994. At the same time the trade unions were trying to develop new policies and new strategies appropriate to the new conditions of a democratic - or democratising - society. The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa [NUMSA] was at the forefront of developing such policies, focusing on reform of human resource policies and institutions, and on industrial strategy. These developments have been characterised by labour movement analysts as a shift from 'social movement unionism' to 'strategic unionism' founded on a strategy of 'radical reform', (see Joffe et al, 1992; Von Holdt, 1992b; Von Holdt and Webster, 1992

Trade unions, community organisation and politics: a local case study on the East Rand

This dissertation sets out as a challenge to two trends in the analysis of the trade union movement. The first trend implies that there is no fundamental difference in political strategy between the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) which was formed in 1985 and included amongst others all the FOSATU affiliates. Swilling for instance writes that the unions established in the 1970s "shunned distinctions between economic and political issues and stridently challenged state policies" (Swilling, 1987: 2). Maree too implies that the involvement of the industrial unions in community and political struggles in the mid-1980s was not incompatible with their earlier position (1987: 10)

The ending of southern Africa's tripartite dream: the cases of South Africa, Namibia and Mozambique

This article examines the rise and decline of tripartite experiments in southern Africa, focusing on South Africa, Mozambique and Namibia, where tripartism emerged as part of the broader processes of democratisation and embedding democratic institutions. Why did these experiments largely fail to achieve the gains for labour that might have been anticipated? In each case, the lack of success can be ascribed to the ecosystemic dominance of neo-liberalism, returning growth fuelled by higher commodities prices, the changing structure of elites, dominant partyism, and structural weaknesses in both organised business and the labour movement

Corporatism as a process of working class containment and roll-back: The recent experiences of South Africa and South Korea

In this article we argue that recent debates in the corporatist literature about whether corporatism is best understood as a process of structured interest representation or political dialogue miss the point as to corporatism's central task - the shift of material resources and power away from the working class to the capitalist class, in which two processes are evident - containment and roll-back. We discuss these processes in the context of successive waves of corporatism in Western Europe from the 1940s to the 1990s before moving on to an analysis of the contrasting fortunes of corporatism in South Africa and South Korea during democratic transition. We conclude that the ability of corporatism to carry out the processes of containment and roll back in these two cases have been dependent on the existence (or absence) of supportive prior political relationships between organised labour and the state

Comparative review of human and canine osteosarcoma: morphology, epidemiology, prognosis, treatment and genetics

Osteosarcoma (OSA) is a rare cancer in people. However OSA incidence rates in dogs are 27 times higher than in people. Prognosis in both species is poor, with five year osteosarcoma survival rates in people not having improved in decades. For dogs, one year survival rates are only around ~45%. Improved and novel treatment regimens are urgently required to improve survival in both humans and dogs with OSA. Utilising information from genetic studies could assist in this in both species, with the higher incidence rates in dogs contributing to the dog population being a good model of human disease. This review compares the clinical characteristics, gross morphology and histopathology, aetiology, epidemiology, and genetics of canine and human osteosarcoma. Finally, the current position of canine osteosarcoma genetic research is discussed and areas for additional work within the canine population are identified

Without the blanket of the land: agrarian change and biopolitics in post–Apartheid South Africa

This paper connects Marxist approaches to the agrarian political economy of South Africa with post-Marshallian and Foucauldian analyses of distributional regimes and late capitalist governmentality. Looking at South Africa’s stalled agrarian transition through the lens of biopolitics as well as class analysis can make visible otherwise disregarded connections between processes of agrarian change and broader contests about the terms of social and economic incorporation into the South African social and political order before, during and after Apartheid. This can bring a fresh sense of the broader political implications of the course of agrarian change in South Africa, and helps contextualise the enduring salience of land as a flashpoint within South Africa’s unresolved democratic transition