The observation of superiority on multiple movements to the Italian left-periphery: Intervention effects on nested dependencies and the role of information-structure features

Young Romance speakers can structure their sentences by dislocating multiple constituents to the left periphery, resulting in non-canonical word orders. Production data, however, show that this ordering is rigid: only SOV sequences are attested, an observation reminiscent of Superiority. The first goal of the paper is to replicate this observation in comprehension; the second is to derive the Subject-over-Object pattern in terms of Intervention, with the additional assumption that only nested chains count as interveners. Three experiments are reported here. Experiment 1 and Experiment 2 show that SOVs interpretations are systematically favored over OSV and that not only Number features, but also a [+Topic] feature help to overcome intervention. Experiment 3 addresses a potential confound related to the clitic. These results integrate existing intervention-based accounts, traditionally built on relatives, providing not only new evidence coming from matrix clauses, but also investigating the role of information-structure features

Children (and Some Adults) Overgeneralize Negative Concord: the Case of Fragment Answers to Negative Questions in Italian

Recent studies on language acquisition have shown that children may initially adopt a Negative Concord grammar also when this option is disfavoured or forbidden in the target language. If children overextend Negative Concord, they might do it not only in Double Negation languages, but also in Romance. This hypothesis will be tested by looking at Italian children’s comprehension of negative fragments used as answers of negative questions: in this context, Double Negation readings typically arise in adult speakers of Italian. The experimental results show that Italian 5-year-olds prefer Negative Concord interpretations to a larger extend than the adult control group, supporting the idea that Negative Concord might initially be overgeneralized by young children

Agreement in Italian SLI children: a comparison between Determiner-Noun, Subject-Verb and Object-Verb agreement

In this paper, we present the results of a new forced-choice task designed to test SLI children’s competence with three different agreement configurations: Determiner-Noun, Subject-Verb and Object-Verb agreement. Three populations of Italian-speaking children took part in the study and we compared the performance of a group of typically developing children with two groups of children diagnosed with phonological (P-SLI) or grammatical (G-SLI) Specific Language Impairment. Our study revealed that in this task the G-SLI group performed worse than the other two groups. We also found that the different agreement configurations under scrutiny introduced different degrees of complexity, with the Determiner-Noun condition being the easiest one. We discuss these results in relation to Clahsen’s (1997) Grammatical Agreement Deficit Hypothesis and to a more recent proposal presented in Moscati and Rizzi (2014). Furthermore, we also compared plural and singular S-V agreement morphology. Results indicate that in our comprehension task no extra cost is associated with plural morphology in none of the experimental groups

Two Negations for the Price of One

Standard English is typically described as a double negation language. In double negation ­languages, each negative marker contributes independent semantic force. Two negations in the same clause usually cancel each other out, resulting in an affirmative sentence. Other dialects of English permit negative concord. In negative concord sentences, the two negative markers yield a single semantic negation. This paper explores how English-speaking children interpret sentences with more than one negative element, in order to assess whether their early grammar allows negative concord. According to Zeijlstra’s (2004) typological generalization, if a language has a negative syntactic head, it will be a negative concord language. Since Standard English is often analysed as having a negative head, it represents an apparent exception to Zeijlstra’s ­generalization. This raises the intriguing possibility that initially, children recognize that English has a negative head (i.e., 'n’t') and, therefore, assign negative concord interpretations to sentences with two negations, despite the absence of evidence for this interpretation in the adult input. The present study investigated this possibility in a comprehension study with 20 3- to 5-year-old ­children and a control group of 15 adults. The test sentences were presented in contexts that made them amenable to either a double negation or a negative concord interpretation. As expected, the adult participants assigned the double negation interpretation of the test sentences the majority of the time. In contrast, the child participants assigned the alternative, negative concord interpretation the majority of the time. Children must jettison the negative concord interpretation of sentences with two negative markers, and acquire a double negation interpretation. We propose that the requisite positive evidence is the appearance of negative expressions like 'nothing 'in object position. Because such expressions exert semantic force without a second negation, this informs children that they are acquiring a double negation language

The Unexpected Lightness of the Main Verb: An Eye-Tracking Study on Relative Clauses and Trace Reactivation

A few studies on relative-clause processing report an unexpected facilitatory effect on the matrix verb that follows an  Object Relative (ORC) clause (e.g. Staub, Dillon and Clifton jr. 2017). In this study we present the results of a novel eye-tracking experiment that replicated this effect on Italian. The advantage of ORCs is discussed under the hypothesis that subject-verb agreement in the matrix benefits from a general trace-reactivation mechanisms, subsumed from activation-based retrieval models (Lewis and Vasishth 2005)

Born in the USA: a comparison of modals and nominal quantifiers in child language

One of the challenges confronted by language learners is to master the interpretation of sentences with multiple logical operators (e.g., nominal quantifiers, modals, negation), where different interpretations depend on different scope assignments. Five-year-old children have been found to access some readings of potentially ambiguous sentences much less than adults do (Lidz and Musolino, Lang Acquis 13(2):73–102, 2006; Musolino, Universal Grammar and the acquisition of semantic knowledge, 1998; Musolino and Lidz, Lang Acquis 11(4):277–291, 2003, among many others). Recently, Gualmini et al. (Nat Lang Semant 16:205–237, 2008) have shown that, by careful contextual manipulation, it is possible to evoke some of the putatively unavailable interpretations from young children. Their proposal is quite general, but the focus of their work was on sentences involving nominal quantifiers and negation. The present paper extends this investigation to sentences with modal expressions. The results of our two experimental studies reveal that, in potentially ambiguous sentences with modal expressions, the kinds of contextual manipulations introduced by Gualmini and colleagues do not suffice to explain children's initial scope interpretations. In response to the recalcitrant data, we propose a new three-stage model of the acquisition of scope relations. Most importantly, at the initial stage, child grammars make available only one interpretation of negative sentences with modal expressions. We call this the Unique Scope Assignment (USA) stage

Negation and the functional sequence

There exists a general restriction on admissible functional sequences which prevents adjacent identical heads. We investigate a particular instantiation of this restriction in the domain of negation. Empirically, it manifests itself as a restriction the stacking of multiple negative morphemes. We propose a principled account of this restriction in terms of the general ban on immediately consecutive identical heads in the functional sequence on the one hand, and the presence of a Neg feature inside negative morphemes on the other hand. The account predicts that the stacking of multiple negative morphemes should be possible provided they are separated by intervening levels of structure. We show that this prediction is borne out