Clients, mandataires et partenaires silencieux : Configurations du conflit américano-soviétique en Asie du Sud-Est

In the Southeast Asian area modalities of political dependence have developed which involve the distinctive typology of clients, silent partners, and proxies. These modalities govern the relationship between the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Laos, and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. They also are operative in the international interaction between the members of the Association of Southeast Asian nations (Asean) and the Western major powers. A set of strategic cooperative arrangements, as well as direct military assistance between Asean, the Commonwealth and the U.S., has its counterpart in similar relations between the U.S.S.R. and the Hanoi dominated lndo-China alliance. As a result, the U.S.-Soviet confrontation in Southeast Asia is expressed politically and strategically primarily through the proxy relationships with the lndo-China states and key Asean members respectively. In turn, there are strong undercurrents in Asean seeking an accommodation with Hanoi, in order to minimize the conflict potential in the region generated by opposing U.S. and Soviet strategic interests. Particularly the relatively warming relationship between the U.S. and People's China has strengthened the Asean fears of China s long-term intentions in the region. An independent Vietnam, free from its proxy-client status toward the Soviet Union, could act as a buffer between China and the Southeast Asian region. Since Hanoi, if only for long-standing nationalistic reasons, wishes to be free from its currently necessary dependence on Moscow, Asean's accommodationist interests may well meet with appreciation in Hanoi in the future. This would tend to lessen the effect of the American-Soviet confrontation in the area

Le Vietnam au Kampuchéa : La stratégie de consolidation

Despite intense diplomatic activity between Vietnam and her Southeast Asian neighbors to reach a compromise in their conflict resulting from the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea, the Hanoi government shows every indication of seeking to secure a permanent military and political presence in Kampuchea. Also because of the devastation brought by four years of the Pol Pot regime (1975-79), and the extermination of much of the skilled and educated social strata in Kampuchea, the Hanoi government has sent some 40,000 Vietnamese party cadres, civil officials and professionally trained to direct public affairs. Additionally, some 100,000 Vietnamese farmer s have migrated into Kampuchea, settling in such key provinces as Kompong Speu, Takeo, and Kompong Cham. Additional tens of thousands of Vietnamese settlers have moved into cities and the disputed frontier area. As fighting between the Vietnamese and resistance groups affiliated with the ''Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea" intensifies, the Hanoi regime also has been expanding its logistical-military network. This includes the construction of a new road network — popularly called the "New Ho CM Minh Trail" — linking the Vietnamese cities of Hue and Vinh, across Southern Laos, with Northwestern Kampuchea. Additionally, during the early weeks of 1983, a twenty-five kilometres long trench, studded with landmines and bamboo spikes has been constructed just inside the Kampuchean frontier, running from the village of Kop beyond the village of Yeang Dangkum — a region of frequent guerilla clashes. Al on g with the 180,000 man force of regular military maintained by Vietnam in Kampuchea, these measures indicate intentions of Hanoi's consolidation of power. Especially in Southeast Asia fears have arisen of a permanent Vietnamese "colonization" process in Kampuchea

<Notes> Indonesia : After the Student Revolt

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