The lost lochs of Scotland: tracking land-use change and its effects on the archaeological record

This paper examines how loch drainage in eighteenth and nineteenth century Scotland has shaped the archaeological record, with particular reference to lake dwellings known as ‘crannogs’. The analysis uses the Roy Military Survey of Scotland (1747–1755) as a baseline for charting changes to lacustrine environment through time. The work is unique for its scale which examines all of mainland Scotland, and the results have revealed unrecognized patterns in the timing and intensity of land-use changes that have impacted lacustrine environments. These patterns are linked to the development of archaeological investigation in Scotland demonstrating that the current distribution of crannogs across the country is an artefact of loch drainage and antiquarian investigation and not representative of the past distribution of these critical sites. This paper presents one way in which we can begin to account for these historic changes to land-use and their impact to our understanding of the archaeological record

A new chronology for crannogs in north-east Scotland

This article presents the results of a programme of investigation which aimed to construct a more detailed understanding of the character and chronology of crannog occupation in north-east Scotland, targeting a series of sites across the region. The emerging pattern revealed through targeted fieldwork in the region shows broad similarities to the existing corpus of data from crannogs in other parts of the country. Crannogs in north-east Scotland now show evidence for origins in the Iron Age. Further radiocarbon evidence has emerged from crannogs in the region revealing occupation during the 9th–10th centuries ad, a period for which there is little other settlement evidence in the area. Additionally, excavated contexts dated to the 11th–12th centuries and historic records suggest that the tradition of crannog dwelling continued into the later medieval period. The recent programme of fieldwork and dating provides a more robust foundation for further work in the region and can help address questions concerning the adoption of the practice of artificial island dwelling across Scotland through time

A 94/183 GHz multichannel radiometer for Convair flights

A multichannel 94/183 GHz radiometer was designed, built, and installed on the NASA Convair 990 research aircraft to take data for hurricane penetration flights, SEASAT-A underflights for measuring rain and water vapor, and Nimbus-G underflights for new sea ice signatures and sea surface temperature data (94 GHz only). The radiometer utilized IF frequencies of 1, 5, and 8.75 GHz about the peak of the atmospheric water vapor absorption line, centered at 183.3 GHz, to gather data needed to determine the shape of the water molecule line. Another portion of the radiometer operated at 94 GHz and obtained data on the sea brightness temperature, sea ice signatures, and on areas of rain near the ocean surface. The radiometer used a multiple lens antenna/temperature calibration technique using 3 lenses and corrugated feed horns at 94 GHz and 183 GHz. Alignment of the feed beams at 94 GHz and 183 GHz was accomplished using a 45 deg oriented reflecting surface which permitted simultaneous viewing of the feeds on alternate cycles of the chopping intervals

Sunbed use among Portuguese beach goers: a crave group while waiting sunbeds to be abolished

info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

A 94/183 GHz aircraft radiometer system for Project Storm Fury

A radiometer design suitable for use in NASA's WB-57F aircraft to collect data from severe storm regions was developed. The design recommended was a 94/183 GHz scanning radiometer with 3 IF channels on either side of the 183.3 GHz water vapor line and a single IF channel for a low loss atmospheric window channel at 94 GHz. The development and construction of the 94/183 GHz scanning radiometer known as the Advanced Microwave Moisture Sounder (AMMS) is presented. The radiometer scans the scene below the aircraft over an angle of + or - 45 degrees with the beamwidth of the scene viewed of approximately 2 degrees at 94 GHz and 1 degree at 183 GHz. The AMMS data collection system consists of a microcomputer used to store the radiometer data on the flight cartridge recorder, operate the stepper motor driven scanner, and collect housekeeping data such as thermistor temperature readings and aircraft time code

Finitely subadditive outer measures, finitely superadditive inner measures and their measurable sets

Consider any set X. A finitely subadditive outer measure on P(X) is defined to be a function v from P(X) to R such that v(ϕ)=0 and v is increasing and finitely subadditive. A finitely superadditive inner measure on P(X) is defined to be a function p from P(X) to R such that p(ϕ)=0 and p is increasing and finitely superadditive (for disjoint unions) (It is to be noted that every finitely superadditive inner measure on P(X) is countably superadditive)

Island Dwellings at 60° North : New Evidence for Crannogs in Iron Age Shetland

Re-evaluation of recorded sites and new field survey has identified 30 island dwellings in Shetland which are argued to be part of the wider Scottish Iron Age crannog building tradition. Four of the 30 sites identified were subject to field survey above and below water and found to be at least partially artificial. The morphology, distribution and chronology of Shetland’s artificial islands are discussed and compared to the rest of Scotland emphasising their parallels. The results support the recent move towards considering islet duns and brochs as crannogs. These newly identified sites in Shetland underline the ubiquity of the crannog building tradition in Scotland. Through discussion of the morphology, distribution and chronology of crannogs in Shetland and the rest of Scotland, it is argued that artificial island dwelling is a widely shared cultural practice and an underlying principle of Scottish Iron Age settlement

De la bataille des chiffres à la bataille des mots. Tensions autour de la fabrication d’une crise

Quand un cyclone frappe l’Asie du Sud Est, un conflit se déclenche au Moyen-Orient, ou un tremblement de terre secoue l’Amérique du Sud, ces événements ne sont pas (re)connus en tant que « crises humanitaires » avant d’avoir été qualifiés, quantifiés puis diffusés. Les individus, animaux, végétaux, lieux, objets qui participent de la « catastrophe » doivent être redéfinis dans le vocabulaire de l’humanitaire pour exister. Les individus deviennent des « sinistrés », des « sans-abris », des « déplacés », des « victimes » ; dans un second temps, ils pourront devenir des « bénéficiaires ». Les bâtiments, les arbres, les champs, les voitures deviennent des « dégâts » ; ils pourront ensuite devenir des projets. Toutes ces catégories nouvellement créées justifient la présence des programmes d’aide, de la communauté humanitaire, de ses personnels et de ses activités. Sans processus de quantification et de qualification, sans diffusion de l’information, la crise n’existe pas, et l’aide humanitaire non plus. La fabrication de la crise est donc un moment essentiel qui repose sur la collecte, la mise en forme et la diffusion de l’information. Ce processus qui repose sur la maîtrise des technologies de l’information et des techniques de la communication est aussi le théâtre de tensions et de compétitions entre les différents acteurs de l’humanitaire qui veulent le contrôler. Sur la base d’un travail ethnographique mené en 2007 et 2008 à Madagascar, ce sont ces tensions entre les humanitaires internationaux et leurs contreparties nationales lors du passage des cyclones Fame et Ivan que nous étudierons dans ce travail.When a cyclone hits South East Asia, a conflict starts in the Middle East, or an earthquake shakes South America, these events are not known as or acknowledged to be a «humanitarian crisis» by the public until they are quantified, qualified, and shared through the media. Peoples, animals, trees, objects and places that have participated in the “disaster” must be renamed and redefined through the humanitarian vocabulary. Peoples become, “homeless”, “displaced” or “victims”. Soon they will become “beneficiaries”. The buildings, the fields, the cars become “loss and damages”. They will later on turn into “projects”. All these newly created categories justify the need for international assistance and the presence of the relief community. Without the process of quantification and qualification and without the dissemination of information, the crisis does not exist and neither does the international aid. Therefore, the construction of the crisis is a crucial moment that depends on data collection, treatment, and dissemination. This process, which relies on the mastery of information technologies and information techniques, also witnesses tensions and competition between the humanitarian actors who want to control it. Based on an ethnographic work led in Madagascar between 2017 and 2018, it is these tensions, which appeared in the aftermath of cyclone Fame and Ivan between international aid workers and their national counterparts, that are analysed in this work.Wenn ein Zyklon in Süd-Ost-Asien wütet, im Mittlereren Osten ein neuer Konflikt ausbricht, oder ein Erdbeben Südamerika erschüttert, dann sind solche Ereignisse nicht im Bewusstsein der Öffentlichkeit als «humanitäre Krise» bevor sie bestätigt, in ihrem Umfang erfasst, und durch die Medien verbreitet worden sind.Die Menschen, Tiere, Pflanzen, Ortschaften die von der jeweiligen Katasthrophebetroffensind,werden aber erst dann wahrgenommen, wenn sie von der humanitären Seite neu definiert sind: Menschen werden zu «Hilfsbedürftigen», Geschädigten» Schutzlosen» Opfern», später dann werden sie «Empfänger von Hilfeleistugnen». Gebäude, Bäume, Felder, Fahrzeuge werden zu «Schaden» Später werden sie dann zu «Projekten» All diese Kategorisierungen erst rechtfertigen die Existenz von Hilfprogrammen, den Einsatz von Hilforganisationen mit ihren Mitarbeitern und Aktionen.Ohne genaue Bennung des Umfanges und der Grösse der Krise, ohne Verbereitung durch die Medien, gibt es keine Krise und damit auch keinen humanitären Hilfseinsatz. Die Darstellung solcher Krisen ist daher der entscheidende Moment, der auf der Sammlung von Daten, der Verbreitung von Information und deren Ausgestaltung basiert. Dieser Prozess, der auf der Beherrschung der Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien beruht,istauchimmereinePlattform für Spannungen und Wettbewerb zwischen den verschiedenen Akteuren internationalen Hilforganisationen, um die Durchführung der Hilfe zu kontrollieren. Auf Basis einer ethnographischen Arbeit, ausgeführt zwischen 2007 und 2008 auf Madagaskar werden im Folgenden diese Spannungen zwischen den internationalen Hilfsorganisationen und Ihren nationalen «Mit- ( und bisweilen Gegen-)spielern nach dem Durchzug der Zyklone «Fame» und «Ivan»näher beleuchtet