Utopia becoming dystopia? Analyzing political trust among immigrants in Sweden

This paper aims to increase our knowledge on the political trust of immigrants’ in established democracies. Utilising Swedish survey data, based on a large oversample of respondents with a foreign background, we show that immigrants from countries more plagued by corruption place significantly higher trust in political institutions in Sweden in comparison with both immigrants from more auspicious institutional settings and with the native population. However, we also find that an initially bright view of the Swedish institutional qualities tend to attenuate over time, as immigrants from countries of high corruption develop more critical viewpoints. In con-trast to reasonable expectations, we nonetheless find that this decrease in trust is not explained by experiences of discrimination. Overall, the hypotheses elaborated and tested in this paper may be regarded as a more general contribution to a theory on how political trust is related to experiences and expectations of political institutions.political trust of immigrants’; Swedish survey data; experiences and expectations of political institutions

Political Participation of Ethnic Associations: Exploring the Importance of Organisational Level Differences in Resources, Motivation and Recruitment Networks

In this paper, we apply the Civic Voluntarism Model (CVM) proposed by Verba, Schlozman and Brady on the organisational level. Simultaneously contributing to the research on the political integration of ethnic minorities, we examine resources, motivation and recruitment networks of ethnic associations, and probe the extent to which these mechanisms influence collectively organised political participation. We use data based on face to face interviews with representatives of 106 organisations of four different immigrant groups in Stockholm. Our results indicate that participation rates of ethnic associations vary with size, access to information technology, level of internal democracy, overall aspiration to influence society, and contacts with political elites. Noteworthy, however, our analyses suggest that members’ proficiency in the Swedish language is not important in this respect. Conceptually and methodologically the study demonstrates how the CVM can be fruitfully applied when analysing differences in the political activity of voluntary associations.Ethnic minorities; Political integration; Ethnic associations; Political participation; Civic Voluntarism Model; Voluntary associations

Urban Inequality and Political Recruitment Networks

This paper provides evidence of segregation-generated differences in political recruitment networks. By taking explicit account of social-geographical differentiation in the urban landscape, we evaluate—in prior work largely neglected—contextual effects on requests for participation. Consistent with previous research, we find that those activists who try to convince others to participate in political life systematically use a set of selection criteria when deciding whom to approach. However, using recent data based on a sample of inhabitants of Swedish cities and properties of their neighborhoods, we also show that the degree of (aggregate-level) social exclusion negatively influences (individual-level) recruitment efforts. This contextual effect stems both from the disproportional population composition as such in residential areas, and from recruiters’ rational avoidance of areas marked by high levels of social exclusion. We conclude that these logics jointly reinforce urban inequalities regarding the chances for ordinary citizens to be invited to political life.political recruitment; political recruiters; contextual effects; Civic Voluntarism Model; statistical discrimination

Political Integration in Practice: Explaining a Time-Dependent Increase in Political Knowledge among Immigrants in Sweden

Scholarly findings suggest that immigrants in Western countries, in general, participate less in politics and show lower levels of political efficacy than native-born citizens. Research is scarce, however, when it comes to immigrants’ knowledge about politics and public affairs in their new home country, and what happens with this knowledge over the years. This article focuses on immigrants in Sweden, a country known for ambitious multicultural policies, but where immigrants also face disadvantages in areas such as labor and housing markets. Utilizing particularly suitable survey data we find that immigrants, in general, know less about Swedish politics than natives, but also that this difference disappears with time. Exploring the influence of time of residence on political knowledge, the article shows that the positive effect of time in Sweden among immigrants remains after controlling for an extensive set of background factors. Moreover, the article examines this political learning effect through the lens of an Ability–Motivation–Opportunity (AMO) model. The findings suggest that the development of an actual ability to learn about Swedish politics—via education in Sweden, and by improved Swedish language skills—is an especially important explanation for the increase in political knowledge

Utopia becoming dystopia? : Analyzing political trust among immigrants in Sweden

This paper aims to increase our knowledge on the political trust of immigrants’ in established democracies. Utilising Swedish survey data, based on a large oversample of respondents with a foreign background, we show that immigrants from countries more plagued by corruption place significantly higher trust in political institutions in Sweden in comparison with both immigrants from more auspicious institutional settings and with the native population. However, we also find that an initially bright view of the Swedish institutional qualities tend to attenuate over time, as immigrants from countries of high corruption develop more critical viewpoints. In con-trast to reasonable expectations, we nonetheless find that this decrease in trust is not explained by experiences of discrimination. Overall, the hypotheses elaborated and tested in this paper may be regarded as a more general contribution to a theory on how political trust is related to experiences and expectations of political institutions

Political Trust as Modest Expectations : Exploring Immigrants’ Falling Confidence in Swedish Political Institutions

Recent studies report high levels of political trust among immigrants in Western Europe. Notably, such confidence tend to be particularly pronounced among immigrants from countries without democratic institutions and poor records in terms of corruption level. Yet over time, members of these population categories tend to express decreasing levels of political trust. Following previous research, such a pattern may be explained by high initial—although with time retreating—expectations concerning the quality of institutions in Western Europe. Analyzing Swedish survey data—particularly appropriate in the light of competing hypotheses concerning acculturation and barriers to integration, including discrimination—this paper presents additional support for the importance of expectations when it comes to political trust. Our analyses suggest that the gradual development of more modest expectations regarding institutional performance in the new country is a trustworthy explanation of the falling levels of immigrants‘ political trust

Abandoning intolerance in a tolerant society : the influence of length of residence on the recognition of political rights among immigrants

This paper presents and empirically evaluates the idea that individual level political tolerance is influenced by the overall tolerance in society. Hence, the expectation is that more politically tolerant attitudes would be developed as a consequence of exposure to a social environment in which people in general are more inclined to accept freedom of speech, also when the message (or the messenger as such) challenges one’s own values and beliefs. The theoretical base of the analyses is a learning model, according to which more broad-minded and permissive attitudes, from a democratic point of view, are adopted as a result of (1) an adjustment stimulated by mere observation of an overall high-level of political tolerance in society (‘passive learning’), and (2) an adjustment due to cognition and interaction within important spheres in society (‘active learning’). Using surveydata, we explore empirically how length of residence among immigrants in high-tolerance Sweden are related to attitudinal measures of political tolerance, and to what extent a time-related effect is mediated through participation in ‘learning institutions’ of education, working-life, civil society and political involvement. In concert with expectations, the empirical findings suggest that an observed positive effect of time in Sweden on political tolerance may be explained by a gradual adoption of the principle that political rights should be recognized. Such an adoption, however, seems to require participation in activities of learning institutions, as we find that passive learning alone is not sufficient

Can’t, won’t, or no one to ask? : Explaining why more recently arrived immigrants know less about Swedish politics

Immigrants in Western countries in general participate less in politics, and show lower levels of political efficacy, than native-born citizens. Research is scarce when it comes to immigrants’ knowledge about politics and public affairs in their new home country, and about what happens with this knowledge over the years. This paper focuses on immigrants in Sweden, a country known for ambitious multicultural policies, but where immigrants also face disadvantages in areas such as labor and housing markets. Utilizing particularly suitable survey data we find that immigrants in general know less about Swedish politics than natives, but also that this difference disappears with time. Exploring the positive influence of length of residence on political knowledge, the paper shows that the positive effect of time in Sweden among immigrants remains after controlling for an extensive set of background factors. Moreover, the paper examines this political learning effect through the lens of an Ability– Motivation–Opportunity (AMO) model. The findings suggest that the development of an actual ability to learn about Swedish politics—via education in Sweden, and by improved Swedish language skills—is an especially important explanation for the increase in political knowledge

Exploring Political Trust Among Immigrants in Scandinavia

This paper presents a study on differences in political trust between immigrants of different origins, residing in either Denmark, Norway or Sweden. The main question is how differences in the general propensity to hold confidence in various political institutions may be explained by previous political systems experiences. Utilising recent survey data we seek to explain variations in political trust by incorporating country-level data based on the Corruption Perceptions Index. Empirical analyses suggest that the strongest confidence in political institutions is found among immigrants who share a background in high-corruption countries. However, we also find that length of residence in the host country negatively influences political trust; hence, over time, immigrants belonging to this category will be positioned more on par with the rest of the population. Analysing possible reasons for this conditional effect, we find experiences of discrimination to be an insufficient explanation. Instead we argue that immigrants from less trust-worthy political regimes initially tend to have a very bright view on the system performance of stable democracies, such as the Scandinavian countries, but that experience and knowledge acquired over time engender a more critical, though arguably realistic, outlook

Can’t, won’t, or no one to ask? : Explaining why more recently arrived immigrants know less about Swedish politics

Immigrants in Western countries in general participate less in politics, and show lower levels of political efficacy, than native-born citizens. Research is scarce when it comes to immigrants’ knowledge about politics and public affairs in their new home country, and about what happens with this knowledge over the years. This paper focuses on immigrants in Sweden, a country known for ambitious multicultural policies, but where immigrants also face disadvantages in areas such as labor and housing markets. Utilizing particularly suitable survey data we find that immigrants in general know less about Swedish politics than natives, but also that this difference disappears with time. Exploring the positive influence of length of residence on political knowledge, the paper shows that the positive effect of time in Sweden among immigrants remains after controlling for an extensive set of background factors. Moreover, the paper examines this political learning effect through the lens of an Ability– Motivation–Opportunity (AMO) model. The findings suggest that the development of an actual ability to learn about Swedish politics—via education in Sweden, and by improved Swedish language skills—is an especially important explanation for the increase in political knowledge