Effects of Wage and Price controls in Canada: 1975-1978

Depuis 1960, les problèmes reliés à l'inflation ont donné lieu à de nombreux programmes de contrôle des salaires et des prix en Europe et en Amérique du Nord. Dans la plupart des cas, ces programmes n'ont pas obtenu de grands succès. Qu'en est-il de la récente expérience canadienne en matière de contrôle des salaires et des prix?L'effort canadien mérite une observation attentive de la part des hommes politiques des pays occidentaux qui projettent l'établissement de tels contrôles.En 1975, les prix avaient augmenté de onze pour cent pour la deuxième année consécutive. Les taux horaires des salaires montaient à une vitesse sans précédent (12.1 pour cent en 1974 et 13.8 pour cent en 1975). Le nombre des grèves était élevé et la productivité était faible. Les dépenses gouvernementales et la politique monétaire contribuaient aussi à la spirale inflationniste. On pressait le gouvernement de trouver des moyens pour lutter contre l'inflation.En octobre 1975, le gouvernement adopta des mesures de contrôle des salaires, des prix et d'autres sources de revenus. Il chercha aussi à freiner l'expansion fiscale etmonétaire. En grande partie, la responsabilité d'administrer les contrôles fut confiée à la Commission de lutte à l'inflation.Bien que le programme s'en soit tenu à sa conception initiale et que les délais prévus furent respectés, il fut sujet à des critiques acerbes de la part de groupes d'intérêts. Ainsi dix-sept économistes parmi les plus réputés du pays écrivirent au premier ministre Trudeau une lettre qui mettait en doute la valeur des contrôles et réclamaient leur abolition. La presse s'attaqua au manque de clarté dans l'administration du programme. Le nombre des grèves dans l'ensemble continua de se maintenir à un niveau élevé. Le Congrès du travail au Canada organisa « une journée nationale de protestation » en octobre 1976.Le programme eut un impact notable sur le taux des augmentations des salaires lequel baissa de quatorze à six pour cent annuellement. Les prix tombèrent à un taux annuel d'environ six pour cent d'augmentation pendant la première année du programme, mais ils étaient remontés à un taux d'environ neuf pour cent à la levée des contrôles en 1978. Résultat: les effets du programme furent beaucoup plus marqués sur les salaires que sur les prix.Le taux de chômage à la hausse compliquait l'effort d'implantation de politiques monétaires et fiscales restrictives. Bien que, dans l'ensemble, les taux d'augmentation de la masse monétaire et des dépenses gouvernementales aient été freinés, ils restèrent à des niveaux relativement élevés. On en conclut que, quoiqu'il en soit du succès des contrôles réalisés au Canada, celui-ci est attribuable à cette modération monétaire et fiscale qui se produisit.Bien que, sur une courte période, les contrôles puissent tempérer les ambitions, à moins que les pressions économiques sous-jacentes ne soient contenues, elles en viendront à manquer de soutien. Aussi les éclatements dans les salaires et les prix peuvent-ils survenir au moment de l'abolition des contrôles. Par conséquent, le programme du Canada continuera à mériter une attention soutenue dans les années à venir.The author examines the recent Canadian experience in wage and price controls» including an analysis of these controls, the problems confronting their implementation, and certain of their results

Violência, gênero e mobilização transnacional do direito : casos da experiência brasileira e mexicana

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Estudos Avançados e Multidisciplinares, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direitos Humanos e Cidadania, 2018.A presente dissertação estuda a interface entre sociedade civil e a mobilização do direito no processo ressignificação da violência de gênero entre particulares como problema público, tendo como recorte os Casos “Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes (Brasil)” e “González e outras (“Campo Algodoeiro”) vs. México”, que tramitaram no Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos. Esses Casos evidenciam os esforços de diversos atores sociais, desde organizações não governamentais, grupos feministas e organizações internacionais de proteção de direitos humanos. Nesse sentido, objetiva-se analisar a organização da sociedade civil na condução do litígio estratégico, bem como suas estratégias políticas de mobilização do direito, para transformação social em seus respectivos países.This work analyzes the connection between civil society and legal mobilization in the process of redefining gender-based violence among private individuals as a public issue, specifically in two cases of the Inter-American Human Rights System: Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes (Brazil) and González et al. (Cotton Field) vs. Mexico. These cases show the efforts from multiple social actors, such as non-governmental organizations, feminist groups and international human rights organizations. So in this sense, the main goal of this study is to analyze the organization of these actors in the strategic litigation as well as their political strategies of legal mobilization in order to achieve social transformation in their countries

Universal Ecological Patterns in College Basketball Communities

The rank abundance of common and rare species within ecological communities is remarkably consistent from the tropics to the tundra. This invariant patterning provides one of ecology's most enduring and unified tenets: most species rare and a few very common. Increasingly, attention is focused upon elucidating biological mechanisms that explain these species abundance distributions (SADs), but these evaluations remain controversial. We show that college basketball wins generate SADs just like those observed in ecological communities. Whereas college basketball wins are structured by competitive interactions, the result produces a SAD pattern indistinguishable from random wins. We also show that species abundance data for tropical trees exhibits a significant-digit pattern consistent with data derived from complex structuring forces. These results cast doubt upon the ability of SAD analysis to resolve ecological mechanism, and their patterning may reflect statistical artifact as much as biological processes

Fixing it for PFA Scotland: building union influence out of a transnational project to tackle match-fixing in football

This article deploys frameworks from the fields of trade union theory and professional football governance theory to gain an understanding of the tactics deployed by the Professional Footballers’ Association, Scotland (PFAS) for collectively representing the interests of its members. The article explores how the union used the advantages gained through participation in a counter match-fixing project managed by FIFPro to establish itself as a member of an array of committees, task groups and panels so that it might become the collective ‘voice’ of players at the institutional level in football. The article commences with a review of the industrial relations landscape of professional football and the ‘peculiarities’ of the labour market that have produced equally unique trade union strategies that seek to individualise rather than collectivise wage bargaining. The implications of such a strategy are felt in the lack of appropriate contemporary theories of trade union power that might act as explanatory frameworks to aid an understanding of the tactics deployed by PFAS. The article proposes a return to a political institutional model of trade union power popularised by Sidney and Beatrice Webb in the late nineteenth-century. An analysis of interview data collected from a small cohort of expert informants shows that PFAS has taken advantage of a new body in Scottish professional football, the integrity forum, to establish itself as a credible and trustworthy voice of players within broader governing structures, while acknowledging that its sphere of influence remains constrained within a system dominated by more established institutions

De-industrialization: a case study of Dundee, 1951–2001, and its broad implications

Using a case study of one Scottish city, Dundee, this article addresses some of the tensions involved in the use of the concept of ‘de-industrialization’. Widely used to try to understand economic and social change in the post-war years, this term is complex and controversial. This article unravels some of this complexity, arguing that the term is potentially very helpful, but needs careful definition, nuanced application and recognition of its limits. The focus here is on the impact of changing industrial structures on the labour market. After analysing the processes of firm births and deaths, the study looks at the decline of the ‘old staple’ industry, jute manufacturing in Dundee. The next sections assess the role of multinational enterprises in re-shaping the employment structure of the city, before looking at the contraction of some of the city’s other industries. Attention then turns to the impact of all these changes on the economic welfare of the city. The final section draws conclusions about our general understanding of de-industrialization from the Dundee case

Violência, gênero e mobilização transnacional do direito : casos da experiência brasileira e mexicana

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Estudos Avançados e Multidisciplinares, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direitos Humanos e Cidadania, 2018.A presente dissertação estuda a interface entre sociedade civil e a mobilização do direito no processo ressignificação da violência de gênero entre particulares como problema público, tendo como recorte os Casos “Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes (Brasil)” e “González e outras (“Campo Algodoeiro”) vs. México”, que tramitaram no Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos. Esses Casos evidenciam os esforços de diversos atores sociais, desde organizações não governamentais, grupos feministas e organizações internacionais de proteção de direitos humanos. Nesse sentido, objetiva-se analisar a organização da sociedade civil na condução do litígio estratégico, bem como suas estratégias políticas de mobilização do direito, para transformação social em seus respectivos países.This work analyzes the connection between civil society and legal mobilization in the process of redefining gender-based violence among private individuals as a public issue, specifically in two cases of the Inter-American Human Rights System: Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes (Brazil) and González et al. (Cotton Field) vs. Mexico. These cases show the efforts from multiple social actors, such as non-governmental organizations, feminist groups and international human rights organizations. So in this sense, the main goal of this study is to analyze the organization of these actors in the strategic litigation as well as their political strategies of legal mobilization in order to achieve social transformation in their countries.Centro de Estudos Avançados Multidisciplinares (CEAM)Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direitos Humanos e Cidadani

The Evolving European Model of Professional Sports Finance

The sports business in Europe has been recently altered by a court decision granting greater freedom to players in the labor market. Also, the televising of major sporting events has become more popular, generating big increases in revenues to many clubs. These and other developments are transforming methods of financing sports operations. This article examines and compares four models of sports finance: European amateur, European professional (traditional), European professional (contemporary), and American. The authors relate the changes that are occurring in the product and labor markets to these models, and assess current and future impacts. Of particular interest is the convergence between the newly evolving European model and the one found in the United States.

The Evolving European Model of Professional Sports Finance

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