L’Arctique en péril: vers une remise en question des enjeux de souveraineté dans le Grand Nord

The end of the cold war brought a change in ideas of security and sovereignty. During the 1990s, the principal threats were asymetrical, particularly challenging our understanding of the new international situation. Security in the Canadian Arctic, often posed in terms of a threat to sovereignty, illustrates recent developments in international relations very well. Is Canada equipped for confronting these new security challenges and imposing its sovereignty in the Great North? We must consider this in evaluating the threats to Canadian security, taking into consideration the current capabilities, as well as the means of applying them. Finally, we propose an approach that goes beyond a military solution, allowing us to consider the multiplicity of implied stakes.El fin de la guerra fría provocó un cambio de rumbo en la manera de concebir la seguridad y la soberanía. En los años noventa del siglo pasado, las principales amenazas fueron de naturaleza asimétrica, lo que representa un desafío particular a nuestra comprensión de ese nuevo entorno internacional. La seguridad en el Ártico canadiense, con frecuencia considerada vinculada con la amenaza a la soberanía, ilustra muy bien esas recientes consideraciones en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales. ¿Está preparado Canadá para enfrentar los nuevos retos en materia de seguridad y hacer valer su soberanía en el llamado Gran Norte? Retomamos la pregunta evaluando los riesgos tocantes a la seguridad de Canadá, considerando las capacidades actuales, así como los medios para ponerlas en práctica. Por último, proponemos un enfoque que trascienda la solución militar, lo que nos permitirá tomar en cuenta las múltiples implicaciones del caso

The great asymmetry : America's closest allies in times of war

Cette thèse étudie la dynamique entre les États-Unis et ses alliés privilégiés lorsque la coopération militaire est en jeu. Nous y proposons que les attentes de l’allié principal déterminent le niveau de coopération des autres pays mais que deux variables intermédiaires - la cohésion du gouvernement et la capacité militaire de l’allié - en déterminent l’exécution. Cette analyse porte aussi sur les stratégies utilisées par les états secondaires pour accroître leur pouvoir dans cette relation asymétrique : initier des négociations bilatérales dans le but d’obtenir des concessions stratégiques, faire valoir leur point de vue par le biais d’organisations internationales ou, encore, évoquer des principes d’ordre éthique et moral. Même si les alliés secondaires peuvent rarement influencer l’allié dominant, ils ont néanmoins la capacité d’agir de façon autonome et de résister aux pressions du plus fort. L’argument de la thèse repose sur trois propositions : dans une alliance asymétrique, les pays ne partagent pas nécessairement la même perception des menaces au niveau international; en cas de désaccord, le résultat des négociations entre alliés ne favorise pas toujours le partenaire dominant ; au moment de la prise de décision en matière de politique étrangère, l’allié secondaire doit protéger sa réputation en tant qu’allié fiable face à l’allié dominant, mais il doit en peser l’impact politique au niveau national. L’analyse théorique de ces alliances asymétrique s’inspire du réalisme néoclassique ce qui nous permet de mieux comprendre la relation entre les variables systémiques et étatiques. L’apport de cette recherche se situe au niveau de l’étude théorique des alliances militaires et de la prise de décision en politique étrangère et de défense. La recherche porte sur le comportement des alliés secondaires qui doivent réagir aux décisions prises par les États-Unis en temps de menace, en étudiant l’interaction entre variables étatiques et contraintes systémiques. Afin de préciser le lien causal entre la perception des menaces, les attentes de l’alliance et les contraintes du pays secondaire nous avons appliqué une méthode comparative en étudiant trois cas : La Grande Bretagne, le Canada, et l’Australie, et la réponse de chacun à l’appel de participer à la guerre en Afghanistan et en Iraq de 2001 à 2003. L’étude cible la prise de décision devant le choix de participer ou de ne pas participer dans une mobilisation conjointe avec les États-Unis. Le processus décisionnel est observé du point de vue de l’allié secondaire et nous permet de mesurer les facteurs explicatifs qui ont motivé la décision en vue d’une coopération militaire.This dissertation focuses on military cooperation between the United States and its special allies. It argues that alliance expectations determine the level of military cooperation, while two intervening variables - the level of government cohesion and military capabilities - determine its implementation. This study also shows how secondary states deploy strategies to overcome power asymmetries through bilateral concessions, international organizations and by appealing to principle. The focus of the research is on special allies, as they have the most to gain or lose by going along with American plans. My contention is that secondary allies can rarely influence the dominant ally decisively, but they can act autonomously and resist to pressures exerted by the stronger alliance partner. The argument builds on three central claims. First, power asymmetries between allies translate into different assessments of international threats. Second, when disagreements over threats arise, the outcome of intra-alliance bargaining is not necessarily dictated by the preferences of the stronger power. Third, secondary states, as opposed to the dominant partner, face unique constraints when facing major foreign policy decisions, i.e. they face a trade-off between establishing a credible reputation as an alliance partner in a politically feasible way while minimizing domestic audience costs. To examine the theoretical puzzle presented by asymmetric military cooperation, I introduce a causal explanation that builds on neoclassical realism, to zone in on the interaction between systemic and domestic variables. My research makes a contribution to alliance theory and foreign policy decision-making by studying how special allies respond to American decisions in times of threat and how systemic constraints are channeled through state-level variables. To investigate the causal link between threat perception, alliance expectations and domestic constraints, this study relies on the method of structured focused comparison with three detailed case studies. The focus is on the initial decision made by special allies regarding whether or not to participle in joint mobilization with the United States. The decision-making process is presented from the perspective of secondary allied states and measures the explanatory factors that motivated the decision on military cooperation. The case studies are the UK, Canada and Australia’s response to the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq during the period of 2001 to 2003

Robotics and Military Operations

In the wake of two extended wars, Western militaries find themselves looking to the future while confronting amorphous nonstate threats and shrinking defense budgets. The 2015 Kingston Conference on International Security (KCIS) examined how robotics and autonomous systems that enhance soldier effectiveness may offer attractive investment opportunities for developing a more efficient force capable of operating effectively in the future environment. This monograph offers 3 chapters derived from the KCIS and explores the drivers influencing strategic choices associated with these technologies and offers preliminary policy recommendations geared to advance a comprehensive technology investment strategy. In addition, the publication offers insight into the ethical challenges and potential positive moral implications of using robots on the modern battlefield.https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1398/thumbnail.jp

2019: A Changing International Order? Implications for the Security Environment

KCIS2019 examined the implications of the changing international order for international security. It studied the hypercompetitive, multipolar environment in which we find ourselves, marked by a persistent struggle for influence and position within a “grey zone” of competition. This edited collection features contributions from academic and military experts who have examined the future of the liberal international order and what is at stake. These evidence-based examinations discuss the challenges to the order, and why it has been so difficult to articulate a compelling narrative to support the continuation of American leadership.https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1922/thumbnail.jp

NATO's Chicago Summit: Alliance Cohesion Above All Else?

ISSN:2296-024

NATO Gender Guidelines Dataset NGGD

This qualitative dataset provides what is, to the best of our knowledge, the first comprehensive dataset of gender guidelines in an international organization. It presents information about the content, nature and implications of 97 guidelines, which we collected from NATO's largest civilian and military bodies. The dataset will be useful for scholars of NATO, international organizations, gendermainstreaming (also known as gender mainstreaming), UNSCR 1325, the women, peace and security agenda and multilateral military operations