A time-lagged analysis of the effect of authentic leadership on workplace bullying, burnout, and occupational turnover intentions

Destructive interpersonal experiences at work result in negative feelings among employees and negative work outcomes. Understanding the mechanisms through which bullying can lead to burnout and subsequent turnover is important for preventing and managing this problem. Leaders play a key role in shaping positive work environments by discouraging negative interpersonal experiences and behaviours. The aim of this study is twofold. Specifically we aim to examine the relationship between authentic leadership and new graduate nurses experiences of workplace bullying and burnout over a 1-year timeframe in Canadian healthcare settings. Furthermore we aim to examine the process from workplace bullying to subsequent burnout dimensions, and to job and career turnover intentions. Results of structural equation models on new graduate nurses working in acute care settings in Ontario (N = 205) provide support for the hypothesized model linking supervisor's authentic leadership, subsequent work-related bullying, and burnout, and these in turn to job and career turnover intentions. Thus, the more leaders were perceived to be authentic the less likely nurses’ were to experience subsequent work-related bullying and burnout and to want to leave their job and profession. The results highlight the important role of leadership in preventing negative employee and organizational outcomes

Experiencing the Death of a Formerly Abusive Parent

It is well documented that approximately 25–33% of children experience abuse, many of those at the hands of a primary caretaker. Within the literature on child maltreatment, there exists a paucity of research about the long-term effects of early maltreatment on adult attachments with the previous abuser, including the experiences of adults who experience the death of their previous caretakers. Additionally, most of the research on grief and bereavement assumes positive affect for the deceased by survivors. This dissertation is an in-depth examination of five adults, aged 50–70 years old, who experienced the recent death of a parent or stepparent who had sexually or physically abused them during their childhood. Individual interviews were conducted and analyzed, using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. Six primary themes were identified, and include: Effects of Abuse, Survival, Healing Process, Adult Relationship with Abuser, Responses to Death, and Next Steps. Each participant described their story through a developmental perspective, sharing how they had changed from the abuse as well as their coping and healing processes. Responses to death included differences from the existing grief and bereavement literature, including emotional reactions, changes in attachment styles, as well as further healing from the abuse. This dissertation is available in open access at AURA, http://aura.antioch.edu/ and Ohio Link ETD Center, https://etd.ohiolink.edu/etd

British policy and the \u27development\u27 of Tibet 1912-1933

Two conflicting views of Tibet\u27s political status in relation to China have dominated both popular and scholarly literature. The \u27pro-Chinese\u27 school views Tibet as a traditional, integral part of China. Tibet, they maintain, was separated from China after the fall of the Manchu dynasty as a consequence of British machinations. Tibet was justifiably reunited with China, the \u27motherland\u27, in 1951. The \u27pro-Tibetan\u27 school argues that the partnership was between the Dalai Lama and the Manchus: that relationship ended with the collapse of the Manchu dynasty. Accordingly, Tibet is seen as an independent state conquered by the Chinese Communists and illegally incorporated into the Chinese state. ^ This study is not an attempt to enter that debate, but rather to fill a gap in a neglected aspect of Tibetan studies. Nonetheless, the results of this study will, no doubt, become a component in the highly politicized nature of Tibetan history. Sir Charles Bell\u27s authoritative Tibet. Past and Present (1924) and Portrait of a Dalai Lama (1946) both stand as important primary sources for this study. As secondary sources dealing with British policy, W. D. Shakabpa\u27s pioneering study Tibet: A Political History (1967), P. Mehra\u27s The McMahon Line and After (1974) and A.K.J. Singh\u27s Himalayan Triangle (1988) are indispensable. Alastair Lamb\u27s most recent study, Tibet. China and India 1914-1950 (1989), is the first publication to deal with this period in detail. Lamb expertly evaluates Anglo-Tibetan relations and narrows the gap which this thesis study is also designed to close. However, by locating Anglo- Tibetan relations in the wider context of international politics, this dissertation will augment Lamb\u27s study and contribute to the continuing intellectual debate in the field of Tibetan studies. Tibet has been significant in the political development of British India, for it was believed to be a key to the safety and security of India\u27s north-eastern frontier. When the British consolidated their power in the sub-continent of India, they were also faced with the problem of securing a stable frontier on India\u27s Himalayan borders. The British government, therefore, had to evolve a definite policy towards the Himalyan kingdoms, especially Tibet. British India\u27s policy during the 19th century was to treat Tibet as a buffer state. There can be no doubt that the loss of Tibet\u27s independence stems directly from the failure of the British Govemment\u27s Younghusband Mission of 1904 to achieve what the Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, hoped would result from it. Curzon believed that the M. Goldstein, A History of Modern Tibet 1913-1951: The Demise of the Lamaist State (Berkely, 1989), p. xv. 11 only way to guarantee the continuance of Tibet as a buffer was to ensure the predominance of British influence at Lhasa. This was to be achieved by bringing Tibet under some measure of British protection or influence. Curzon believed that British influence was essential because unless Britain laid claim to Tibet, Russia would draw Tibet into its sphere of influence. After the First World War Britain again had an opportunity to become Tibet\u27s \u27protector\u27 but as was the case after 1904, chose to abandon Tibet to Chinese expansionism. Tibet, even today, conjures up images of \u27Shangri-la\u27, \u27the savage and the sublime\u27 and, perhaps, \u27paradise lost\u27. It is, however, far from remote or picayune to world history. Tibet represents the interface between the two most populous nations on earth and marks the site of one of the most complex boundary disputes ever to disturb the peace of nations. The problems on India\u27s northern frontiers have become a tangled mass of diplomatic perplexity to the governments and people of India and China. The loss of Tibet as a buffer zone between two major world powers has produced major long-term consequences. The Chinese domination of Tibet has presented the current Indian Republic with just those dangers which Curzon feared would confront the British-Indian Empire from the extension into Tibet of the influence of Tsarist Russia. Tibet\u27s role today as a garrison state of China goes far towards explaining its important place in current Westem geopolitical thought. Tibet has become a major handicap to China\u27s political stability. The fate of modern Tibet, and the problems of India\u27s northern frontiers, are subjects of recent political debate. Tibet\u27s destiny in a broader sense and in these days of national self-determination is now a concern of world conscience. It is difficult to comprehend the current situation in Tibet and its place in the policy of both the People\u27s Republic of China and the Republic of India without an understanding of what happened during the period of British colonial domination in India. The British carry some responsibility for the present state of affairs of Tibet. The question at issue is what responsibility should the British accept and what explanations are there for Britain\u27s inability to prevent the loss of Tibetan independence? The answer to these questions lie in an analysis of the wider pattern of Anglo-Chinese political relations and of intemational relations after the First World War. Over the years scholars have trodden a well-wom path to the documents dealing with Anglo-Tibetan affairs held in the Public Record Office and the India Office Library. These documents have, more often than not, been used to compose historical surveys which examine chronological events and often result in Anglo-Tibetan relations being analysed in isolation from the broader intemational context. The primary information on which this study is based provides a level of detail and understanding of the 1920s and I l l 1930s that has not previously been available. Many studies have been made of the 1904 Younghusband Mission, the 1913-14 Simla Conference and the later period of the 1940s and 1950s. The 1920s and 1930s have been overshadowed by the turbulent decades that preceded and succeeded them. These years have usually been given meaning only as a transition period and have assumed the character of a more or less featureless interval: a static period in Anglo-Tibetan relations. The relationship formed between British India and Tibet by the resolution of the 1914 Simla Conference appeared unaltered and fundamentally unquestioned until the transfer of power to an independent Indian government. This, however, was not the case. During this period two major policy shifts took place. The apparent continuity conceals the intensity of debates over Tibetan policy in the British and Indian governments, especially during the years 1919-1921 and 1932-33, which disclosed Britain\u27s apprehension about the volatile political situation in central and north Asia during and after the First World War. The destiny of Tibet has normally been treated as if it was almost exclusively determined by Anglo-Chinese relations. This approach ignores the fact that after the First World War the Tibetan question become an important component of a much broader controversy on the course of post-war British policy in Asia. The major reasons given for the Chinese incapacity to conclude a Tibetan agreement with Britain during the 1920s have been civil strife and popular opposition within China. The general consensus on the reason for Britain\u27s inability to persuade the Chinese to resume negotiations is the aspiring mood of nationalism in China itself Indeed this is part of the answer, but the other part is that China was awakening to the fact that Britain\u27s power and position in the Far East had been substanfially decreased because of the First World War. Britain no longer had the diplomatic strength needed to bluff China into concluding a settlement of the Sino-Tibetan dispute. It is generally felt that China\u27s intransigence and, at the same time, her weakness gave the Foreign Office no alternative but to sanction a policy of close Anglo-Tibetan relations without reference to China. On the surface this appears to be accurate but it overlooks the general context of Britain\u27s economic situation in the Far East. This, in turn, reflected significant changes in the balance of power in Asia. Britain\u27s position in the Far East had diminished and pressure from the British Legation in Peking, the Far Eastern Department of the Foreign Office and the British commercial community in China operated to shift the main emphasis of British policy in Asia from one of reliance on Japan to closer links with the United States and with a renascent China. With hindsight it can be seen that British policy decisions made during this period were crucial to Tibet\u27s future. This study aims to place this period in the IV important position it should hold in any debate of Anglo-Tibetan relations. The \u27forgotten years\u27 deserve a more prominent place in Tibetan studies. The beginning date of 1912, or in Tibetan, the year of Water-Mouse, was the year in which the 13th Dalai Lama returned from two years of exile in British India and declared independence for Tibet. 1933, the year of Water-Bird, was the year in which the 13th Dalai Lama died. The intervening years covered a period of Anglo-Tibetan relations which seem to indicate a movement towards the independence and development of Tibet under the umbrella of British influence. It can be seen in retrospect, however, that British influence in Tibet during the intervening years gradually declined. It was the realisation of this fact which prompted the major question: Why did Britain draw away from relations with Tibet? What were the socio-political and cultural issues that caused Britain to withdraw? The First World War did irreparable damage to the structure of imperialist diplomacy. This fact sets the stage for a discussion of Anglo-Tibetan relations during the 1920s and 1930s. The undermining of the old order came about in two ways. On the one hand, Japanese expansion on the continent, coupled with the temporary distress of the European powers, destroyed the balance in the Far East which, though always precarious, the imperialists had managed to maintain. On the other hand, there were new forces undermining the very foundation of the old diplomacy - the \u27new diplomacy\u27 of the United States and the Soviet Union, and the self-conscious assertion of nationalism in China. It was Tibet\u27s particular misfortune to be caught in the clutch of two powerful neighbours, Britain and China, who used her as a pawn in the compassionless game of political intrigue and diplomacy during the inter-war period. In attempting to answer the central question it is essential to connect the Anglo- Tibetan relationship to the intemational situation in which it operated. In tracing the British response to these intemational determinants, a chronological treatment is used. Each chapter therefore contains an evaluation which places Anglo-Tibetan relations in this wider context, identifying the economic, social and political ideas which set the historical boundaries within which British policy decisions operated. The central problem of Britain\u27s relations with Tibet has required research based on the archives of the British Foreign Office, housed in the Public Record Office in London, and supplemented by records in the India Office Library. These comprise a massive collection of letters, telegrams, notes, minutes, reports of the British and Indian governments, including many from the Tibetan and Chinese governments. The principal collection used are the Political and Secret Department Subject Files. The Australian National Library in Canberra has on microfilm the Foreign Office series relating to China which covers political correspondence from 1906 to 1922. In this series is a vast amount of information relating to Anglo-Tibetan relations. The Library also holds original copies of the Foreign Office Confidential prints (1840-), the only set outside Great Britain. Records and manuscripts held in the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives in Dharamsala, India, have also produced some information. The private papers of Sir Charles Bell, Colonel Bailey, Colonel Weir, all of whom visited Lhasa during their time as British Political Officers, adds another dimension to the study. The diaries of Bell, Bailey, Frank Ludow, who set up the first British school in Tibet, and Captain R. S. Kennedy, who accompanied Bell to Lhasa as a medical officer, have also been consulted. These private papers are held at the India Office Library and the British Library. Books written by principal figures, such as Charles Bell, Eric Teichman, Henry Hayden, David Macdonald, WiUiam McGovem and Hugh Richardson, have also been studied as primary source material. Publications by Tibetan authors, R. D. Taring, R. Lha-Mo, K. Dondup, D. N. Tsarong, D. Norbu and T. J. Norbu have contributed a valuable Tibetan perspective. Interviews with surviving participants and observers have been especially useful, particularly regarding personal character details. Some interviews were tape-recorded in Tibetan and later translated and transcribed, others were translated into English during the interview. Interviews with English-speaking participants were typed directly into a computer data base. An application for a research visa for access to the National Archives in New Delhi, India, was successful. However, the application took nearly eighteen months to process and arrived too late for me to make use of the opportunity. Summary: With the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet in 1912 the British govemment saw an opportunity to consolidate their influence in Tibet and re-establish Tibet as a buffer zone. The declaration of Tibetan independence inspired and facilitated a programme of development by the 13th Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama intended to initiate changes, political as well as social, which were necessary if his country was to remain independent. The revived problem of a Russian \u27menace\u27 in Central Asia was the primary reason for London to exert pressure on China to attend a conference at Simla in 1914. During the conference the British developed a comprehensive programme to revise the status of Tibet. The Anglo-Tibetan Simla Agreement, in effect, proved to be an unequal bargain. In return for India\u27s frontier security, the Tibetans were promised diplomatic and military support in their stmggle with China. From the viewpoint of the Tibetans, the 1914 Anglo-Tibetan agreement identified Britain as \u27Tibet\u27s Protector\u27. Yet, in spite VI of all the discussion on the status of Tibet, the notion of concluding some form of protectorate agreement with the Lhasa govemment was never contemplated. Instead, Britain proclaimed Chinese \u27suzerainty\u27 over an \u27autonomous\u27 Tibet. The recognition of Chinese suzerainty was to safeguard British commercial interest in China and the support of Tibetan autonomy was to ensure security of India\u27s northern frontier. This provided Britain with informal control of Tibet without involving the granting of responsible govemment and, at the same time, allowed Britain to continue her stationary economic imperialism in China. 1914 ushered in the Great War, which transformed global politics. During the war years Britain was not prepared to, nor in a position to give, active military assistance to Tibet and the opportunity for building a close relationship with an autonomous Tibet diminished. Taking up arms against China for the sake of Tibetan independence was never a consideration. The Dalai Lama considered that Britain had made a commitment to support and protect Tibet by signing the Anglo-Tibetan Agreement. By 1918 he was very disillusioned. The question at issue by the end of the war was whether Britain was in a position to offer any form of diplomatic assistance or protection to Tibet. While China was deemed at the commencement of the First World War not to be a threat to Tibet, the war emphasised the increased danger of a China controlled by Japan. It soon became clear that Japan would attempt to take advantage of the war to expand her influence on the mainland of Asia. Despite this ominous situation, it seemed that pre-war circumstances were reviving in which British pressure would eventually overcome obstinate Chinese resistance, and an agreement on Tibet\u27s status would be achieved. The world, however, was a different place after 1918. During the First World War and the period of post-war settlement British interests in China had radically to be redefined. Altering intemational economic patterns, changing imperial priorities, rising nationalism in the Far East, and the growth of new ideologies all had repercussions. The predominant theme in Anglo-Tibetan relations during the next few years was Britain\u27s attempt to procure Chinese participation in renewed negotiations over Tibet and Peking\u27s constant refusal, under an assortment of excuses, to oblige. The British govemment\u27s response to this rejection on the part of the Chinese govemment was to send a mission to Lhasa. The sending of a mission to Lhasa and the eventual agreement to supply arms and aid to Tibet were viewed at the time as manifesting a new determination in British policy. Its principal result was supposedly to demonstrate that the British govemment intended to treat Tibetan autonomy as a reality by strengthening Tibet\u27s ability to defend Vll itself and by helping to develop the country\u27s resources. Bell\u27s mission to Lhasa, in reality, was a diplomatic bluff to coerce China into resuming negotiations, a bluff which failed. Further indefinite delay, coupled with a continuance of the policy of self-denial, would have involved the risk of the Chinese regaining control over Tibet, as had happened in 1910. The British feared that the Tibetan govemment would conclude an independent treaty with China. Policy makers were faced with the choice of continuing to work for a settlement on existing lines, and mnning that risk, or of taking other measures to protect British interests by adopting a new and more liberal policy towards the Tibetans, which would entail the eventual opening of Tibet and the development of its resources under British auspices. It appeared that Tibet was being drawn more firmly under the umbrella of British influence. With British support, the 1920s seemed to promise a transformation of Tibet: a breaking away from old traditions and a move towards the radimentary development of technological, economic and military infrastmctures which would enable Tibet to become a self-sustaining independent state. Both Charles Bell, Political Officer, Sikkim, and the Government of India wanted a non-interference policy. At the same time they wanted Britain to help develop Tibet in a way that would enable the country to retain its independence but also serve British interests. The eventual decision to provide military assistance and aid symbolised not a new tenacity of purpose but Britain\u27s inability to intimidate China into accepting an ultimatum. The adoption of the so-called \u27new and liberal\u27 policy which followed Charles Bell\u27s mission to Lhasa was little more than an attempt to induce the Chinese govemment to abandon their obstmctive attitude and conclude a settlement of the Tibetan question. The British hoped that the spectacle of Tibet\u27s adoption of a policy of selfdevelopment would coerce the Peking government into submission. In retrospect, however, it can be seen that the support given to Tibet was inadequate and the direction which British policy took during the 1920s and 1930s resulted in the eventual loss of Tibet\u27s independence. The conceptual basis of Britain\u27s new policy was flawed: Britain wanted Tibet as a buffer but was not prepared to give the support necessary for it to remain independent. The source of Britain\u27s impaired policy is manifest. On the one hand, they were committed by a promise to the Lhasa govemment to support Tibet in upholding her practical autonomy, which was of importance to the security of India, and, on the other hand, Britain\u27s alliance with China made it difficult to give effective material support to Tibet. What the British wanted was to create a balance. That is to say, give just enough support so that Tibet could protect India\u27s Himalayan border without the British having V l l l to commit themselves to a major defensive initiative, while allowing the Tibetans, meanwhile, to pay for the honour of doing so. The intention was to convince the Chinese that Tibet was becoming self-sufficient. The ultimate objective was to get the Chinese to sign an agreement which would secure, for the British stability in Central Asia. British tactics were impotent and the Foreign Office adopted a \u27wait-and-see\u27 approach which dissolved into a \u27dormancy\u27 policy. The 1921 Washington Conference represented the crossroad in Anglo-Tibetan policy. Britain\u27s wider economic and political considerations at this time altered Anglo- Tibetan relations. Britain\u27s Tibetan policy was impaired, as statesmen attempted to cope with the transition between pre-war commitments and post-war attitudes. The British government\u27s post-war position made cooperation with the United States, or at least avoidance of American displeasure, the sine qua non of any successful policy. Britain\u27s Tibetan policy during the 1920s and 1930s was to have no policy - to drift: a symbolic act which reflected the decline of British imperialism. The British found themselves on the defensive in the Far East and a desire to retain their trade position in China became dominant. Especially after the 1925 anti-British boyco

The Importance of Bioacoustics for Dolphin Welfare: Soundscape Characterization with Implications for Management

Sound is the primary sensory modality for dolphins, yet policies mitigating anthropogenic sound exposure are limited in wild populations and even fewer noise policies or guidelines have been developed for governing dolphin welfare under human care. Concerns have been raised that dolphins under human care live in facilities that are too noisy, or are too acoustically sterile. However, these claims have not been evaluated to characterize facility soundscapes, and further, how they compare to wild soundscapes. The soundscape of a wild dolphin habitat off the coast of Quintana, Roo, Mexico was characterized based on Passive Acoustic Monitoring (PAM) recordings over one year. Snapping shrimp were persistent and broadband, following a diel pattern. Fish sound production was pulsed and prominent in low frequencies (100 ─ 1000 Hz), and abiotic surface wave action contributed to noise in higher frequencies (15 ─ 28 kHz). Boat motors were the main anthropogenic sound source. While sporadic, boat motors were responsible for large spikes in the noise, sometimes exceeding the ambient noise (in the absence of a boat) by 20 dB root-mean-squared sound pressure level, and potentially higher at closer distances. Boat motor sounds can potentially mask cues and communication sounds of dolphins. The soundscapes of four acoustically distinct outdoor dolphin facilities in Quintana Roo, Mexico were also characterized based on PAM, and findings compared with one another and with the measurements from the wild dolphin habitat. Recordings were made for at least 24 hours to encompass the range of daily activities. The four facilities differed in non-dolphin species present (biological sounds), bathymetry complexity, and method of water circulation. It was hypothesized that the greater the biological and physical differences of a pool from the ocean habitat, the greater the acoustic differences would be from the natural environment. Spectral analysis and audio playback revealed that the site most biologically and physically distinct from the ocean habitat also differed greatly from the other sites acoustically, with the most common and high amplitude sound being pump noise versus biological sounds at the other sites. Overall the dolphin facilities were neither clearly noisier nor more sterile than the wild site, but rather differed in particular characteristics. The findings are encouraging for dolphin welfare for several reasons. Sound levels measured were unlikely to cause threshold shifts in hearing. At three of four facilities, prominent biological sounds in the wild site ─ snapping shrimp and fish sounds ─ were present, meaning that the dolphins at these facilities are experiencing biotic features of the soundscape they would experience in the wild. Additionally, the main anthropogenic sounds experienced at the facilities (construction and cleaning sounds) did not reach the levels of the anthropogenic sounds experienced at the wild site (boat motor sounds), and the highest noise levels for anthropogenic sounds fall outside the dolphins\u27 most sensitive range of hearing. However, there are anthropogenic contributors to the soundscape that are of particular interest and possible concern that should be investigated further, particularly pump noise and periodic or intermittent construction noise. These factors need to be considered on a facility-by-facility basis and appropriate mitigation procedures incorporated in animal handling to mitigate potential responses to planned or anticipated sound producing events, e.g. animal relocation or buffering sound producing activities. The central role of bioacoustics for dolphins means that PAM is a basic life support requirement along with water and food testing. Periodic noise is of highest concern, and PAM is needed to inform mitigation of noise from periodic sources. Priority actions are more widespread and long-term standardized monitoring, further research on habituation, preference, coupling and pool acoustics, implementation of acoustics training, standardization of measurements, and improved information access

Molecular Cloning and Characterisation of the Gene Encoding the Ascaris Allergen ABA-1

A 14 kDa protein, named ABA-1, is the most abundant protein in the body fluid of adult Ascaris, and is released by the tissue-penetrating larval stages of the parasite during culture in vitro. Immunological work has shown that ABA-1 is an allergen, suggesting that the IgE-mediated hypersensitivity response to ABA-1 seen during Ascaris infection may contribute to the pathology of ascariasis. In order to further characterise ABA-1, a cDNA expression library was constructed using mRNA prepared from A. suum infective larvae. Screening with polyclonal rabbit antiserum raised to gel-excised ABA-1 protein led to the isolation of a cDNA clone with a 1255 bp insert. DNA sequencing of the entire insert revealed that it consists of two 399 bp repeats and one truncated repeat. The putative amino acid sequence derived from each of the repeats was identical to the partial N-terminal amino acid sequence of the native ABA-1 protein, which had previously been derived by direct peptide sequencing. These data can be taken to indicate that ABA-1 is translated as a polyprotein which is then processed into 14 kDa monomers. To allow characterisation of the genomic organisation of the aba-1 gene, two genomic aba-1 clones were isolated from an A.suum genomic library. Characterisation of these clones revealed that they both contain part of the aba-1 genomic gene and suggested that there are at least 15 repeats of 399 bp in the aba-1 gene; in addition, there appears to be a 4 kbp intron situated at the 3' end of the gene. Northern and Western blots were used to determine stage- and tissue-specificity of the expression of the aba-1 gene. These data revealed that ABA-1 is expressed constitutively throughout the life of the parasite and that it would appear to be expressed in all tissues of the adult worm, although it is only found as a polyprotein in the gut. The gene encoding the A. lumbricoides ABA-1 protein was cloned and characterised by the use of the Polymerase Chain Reaction. This revealed that, like the A. suum aba-1 gene, it is also consists of tandem repeats of approximately 400 bp, suggesting that it to is expressed initially as a polyprotein and then cleaved into 14 kDa monomers. Western blot analysis of the the native ABA-1 protein confirmed this suggestion

Loss of strumpellin in the melanocytic lineage impairs the WASH Complex but does not affect coat colour

The five-subunit WASH complex generates actin networks that participate in endocytic trafficking, migration and invasion in various cell types. Loss of one of the two subunits WASH or strumpellin in mice is lethal, but little is known about their role in mammals in vivo. We explored the role of strumpellin, which has previously been linked to hereditary spastic paraplegia, in the mouse melanocytic lineage. Strumpellin knockout in melanocytes revealed abnormal endocytic vesicle morphology but no impairment of migration in vitro or in vivo and no change in coat colour. Unexpectedly, WASH and filamentous actin could still localize to vesicles in the absence of strumpellin, although the shape and size of vesicles was altered. Blue native PAGE revealed the presence of two distinct WASH complexes, even in strumpellin knockout cells, revealing that the WASH complex can assemble and localize to endocytic compartments in cells in the absence of strumpellin

The protective role of self-efficacy against workplace incivility and burnout in nursing: A time-lagged study

Background: Incivility has negative consequences in the workplace and remains a prevalent issue in nursing. Research has consistently linked incivility to nurse burnout and, in turn, to poor mental health and turnover intentions. To retain high quality nurses it is important to understand what factors might protect nurses from the negative effects of workplace mistreatment. Purpose: This study investigated the role of relational occupational coping self-efficacy in protecting nurses from workplace incivility and related burnout and turnover intentions. Methodology: A two-wave national sample of 596 Canadian nurses completed mail surveys both at Time 1 and one year later at Time 2. Structural equation modeling was used to test the hypothesized model. Results: The model showed a good fit and most of the hypothesized paths were significant. Overall, the results supported the hypothesized protective effect of relational occupational coping self-efficacy against incivility and later burnout, mental health, and turnover intentions. Conclusion: Relational occupational coping self-efficacy is an important protective factor against negative work behavior. Practice Implications: Organizations should provide nurses with opportunities to build their coping strategies for managing job demands and difficult interpersonal interactions. Similarly, providing exposure to effective role models and providing meaningful verbal encouragement are other sources of efficacy information for building nurses’ relational coping self-efficacy

P12. The Influence of Leader-Member Exchange and Structural Empowerment on Nurses Perception of Patient Safety Climate

Background: Reports have illustrated the lack of supportive and inclusive work environments is a causative factor of health related absences and nursing attrition. This has been reported to lead to increased risk to nurses’ safety, patients’ safety and poorer patient outcomes. Methods: The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of the four dimensions of Leader-Member Exchange (LMX) (contribution, affect, loyalty, and professional respect) of nurse managers and access to the four structures of structural empowerment (SE) (support, opportunity, resources, and information) on nurses’ perceptions of patient safety climate (PSC). A cross-sectional survey is conducted using a random sample of 230 nurses across Ontario in acute care settings. Leader-Member Exchange-MDM, Conditions for Work Effectiveness Questionnaire-II, and Patient Safety Climate Questionnaire are used to measure study variables. Results: No specific research has examined the influence of LMX, and structural empowerment, on patient safety climate. This research proposal will meet the needs of the gap identified within the literature. Currently data is collected and waiting for analysis. Discussion & Conclusion: This study may uncover some of the processes by which each of these variables influences the next. Interdisciplinary Reflection: This study targets nursing leaders in front-line managerial positions, possibly increasing their awareness of SE allowing them to develop a more positive working environment on their unit that will lead to increased productivity and increased patient safety. Middle and upper management will be interested in these findings to examine positive influences to LMX and developing strategies and training to be provided to front-line managers to enhance a PSC

The Possibilities of Reducing Food Choice to Improve the Performance of College Foodservices

College administrative and management leaders, foodservice personnel, and student residents value social, nutritional, financial, and environmental sustainability in their dining expectations. Menu choice reduction looks promising as a strategy to achieve these goals. However, foodservice research about dominant attitudes across these stakeholders is limited. Objective is to identify qualitative views from all stakeholders about choice reduction to ensure that any changes to the meal service are not to the detriment of consumer satisfaction. A comprehensive list of 74 statements representing the spectrum of attitudes surrounding choice was generated by searching a variety of resources, including academic literature and Internet sites, and by conducting semistructured interviews with stakeholders. A final set of 42 statements resulted from researcher scrutiny for optimum balance, clarity, appropriateness, simplicity, and applicability. A new sample of participants was then asked to sort these 42 statements into a normal distribution grid from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” A purposive convenience sample of stakeholders (staff n=5 and residents n=4) was used to identify statements about choice reduction. A second sample of stakeholders (staff n=6 and residents n=29) were recruited to sort the final 42 statements. Q methodology analysis techniques were used. This involved conducting a by-person factor analysis, using the centroid factor extraction method because of the permissiveness it allows for data exploration. A varimax factor rotation to enhance interpretability of the results identified shared viewpoints. Three dominant viewpoints toward the possibility of choice reduction in the meal service were identified. Factor 1 was “health driven” (in which healthiness was paramount). Factor 2 was “variety seekers” (in which choice had instrumental value). Factor 3 was “choice lovers” (in which choice had intrinsic value). Although participants could see a number of benefits of choice reduction, strong attitudinal barriers existed toward adopting choice reduction initiatives. These barriers need to be overcome to avoid dissatisfaction with the foodservice should choice reduction measures be implemented

Getting a Taste for Food Waste: A Mixed Methods Ethnographic Study into Hospital Food Waste before Patient Consumption Conducted at Three New Zealand Foodservice Facilities

Foodservice organizations, particularly those in hospitals, are large producers of food waste. To date, research on waste in hospitals has focused primarily on plate waste and the affect of food waste on patient nutrition outcomes. Less focus has been placed on waste generation at the kitchen end of the hospital food system. We used a novel approach to understand reasons for hospital food waste before consumption and offer recommendations on waste minimization within foodservices. A mixed methods ethnographic research approach was adopted. Three New Zealand hospital foodservices were selected as research sites, all of which were contracted to an external foodservice provider. Data collection techniques included document analyses, observations, focus groups with kitchen staff, and one-on-one interviews with managers. Thematic analysis was conducted to generate common themes. Most food waste occurred during service and as a result of overproduction. Attitudes and habits of foodservice personnel were considered influential factors of waste generation. Implications of food waste were perceived differently by different levels of staff. Whereas managers raised discussion from a financial perspective, kitchen staff drew upon social implications. Organizational plans, controls, and use of pre-prepared ingredients assisted in waste minimization. An array of factors influenced waste generation in hospital foodservices. Exploring attitudes and practices of foodservice personnel allowed an understanding of reasons behind hospital food waste and ways in which it could be minimized. This study provides a foundation for further research on sustainable behavior within the wider foodservice sector and dietetics practice