Integer symmetric matrices having all their eigenvalues in the interval [-2,2]

We completely describe all integer symmetric matrices that have all their eigenvalues in the interval [-2,2]. Along the way we classify all signed graphs, and then all charged signed graphs, having all their eigenvalues in this same interval. We then classify subsets of the above for which the integer symmetric matrices, signed graphs and charged signed graphs have all their eigenvalues in the open interval (-2,2).Comment: 33 pages, 18 figure

Molecular Genetic Typing of Staphylococcus aureus from Cows, Goats, Sheep, Rabbits and Chickens

End of project reportsS. aureus can also cause a number of infections in animals such as tick-associated pyaemia in lambs, staphylococcosis in rabbits, septicaemia, abscesses and chondronecrosis in chickens and pneumonia and osteomyelitis complex in turkeys. S. aureus is the most frequent cause of bovine mastitis, a disease that is of economic importance worldwide (Beck et al., 1992). Typically staphylococcal mastitis is chronic in nature, with subclinical mastitis being the most common form

Resisting labour: Unionists, liberals, and moderates in Glasgow between the wars

This article examines the co-operation between unionists and liberals in inter-war Glasgow. As with the parliamentary challenge of labour, unionists and liberals were confronted at the local level also. The usual response was some sort of municipal alliance or pact. In Scotland, where unionist support for continuing links with liberals was particularly pronounced, this took the form of specific ‘moderate’ parties created to contest local elections. This strategy was markedly successful in keeping labour out of office. The moderates secured their majority in Glasgow by completely dominating the middle-class wards and winning a number of working-class seats. Moderate success is examined through the essential unity of the middle-class vote, the more limited local franchise, and religious sectarianism. However, it became increasingly difficult for the moderates to satisfy both their middle-class and working-class supporters. The sudden emergence of a militant protestant party in the depths of the depression provided a temporary vehicle of protest, which split the moderate vote and allowed labour in to power in 1933

The Power of Pathos: James Burn Russell's Life in One Room and the creation of council housing

James Burn Russell's pamphlet, Life in One Room (1888), is almost certainly the best known and, as is argued here, the most influential published work in the history of social reform in modern Scotland. Regardless of Russell's own intentions and political beliefs Life in One Room became the default source for those who sought to promote housing for the working class and council housing in particular. It is remarkable just how often, and at what length, it was quoted in writings about and referenced in debates on housing before the First World War, during the War and after. This article seeks to identify the influence and attraction of Russell's pamphlet with particular reference to the author's opposition to Social Darwinism and to its literary qualities. Russell's style was quintessentially Victorian but this is not to dismiss it as hopelessly sentimental. Informed by recent approaches to the history of Victorian culture and literature we can see how Russell, equally at home in the arts as in the sciences, consciously used sentimentalism or pathos to get his message across to the wider public. We ought not to preen and expand our virtues to the sun in our self-contained houses, putting them in proud contrast with the vices of those who live in the one-roomed house, without asking ourselves how far both the virtue and the vice ar

Labour and socialism in Glasgow 1880-1914: the electoral challenge prior to democracy

From the emergence of the 'modern' Socialist movement in the 1880s through to the First World War, the majority of socialists in Britain regarded the achievement of particular reforms and the ultimate goal of Socialism itself, as being realisable only through the ballot box. The subject of this thesis is how that movement, i.e. for independent labour representation, was conducted and with what success in Glasgow prior to the First World War. The whole basis of this electoral strategy, however, is called into question by the sex and class biases inherent in the franchise system, as defined by the Reform Acts of the nineteenth century.The focus of the study falls upon local, municipal politics and particular attention is paid to the Independent Labour Party (ILP), as the largest socialist organisation and the body most associated with the movement of independent labour representation. Glasgow was chosen because of its working class complexion, the militant reputation it receive during and immediately after the First World War, and its emergence as an electoral stronghold of the Labour Party in the post-war period.To achieve its aim of securing elected representation, the ILP sought to promote alliances with other democratic' forces which were regarded as part of the working class movement: the trade unions, the co-operators, and the Irish. An alliance of this group was achieved in the 1890s and secured a level of Labour representation on Glasgow Town Council. The elements of this alliance, however, were fissiparious and the coalition eventually collapsed and with it Labour representation, until a more structured Labour Party was established in Glasgow in 1910-12.Even at its most successful, this electoral challenge was limited. This limitation is examined in relation to the franchise system. The class bias of the system operated most forcefully against the poorer working class, and the failure of British Socialism, and particularly the ILP, to campaign for complete democracy is seen as emanating from respectable' fears of the residuum or 'slum dwellers'. The limited impact made by Labour prior to 1914 is thrown into sharper relief by the massively expanded support it enjoyed post-1918 amongst the new mass electorate, which meant that Britain, for the first time, at least approximated to being a full democracy. That the forces of Labour had signally failed to make adult suffrage an important plank of its platform is seen as indicative of a Labour movement and politics unable to transcend the divisions within the working class, and posing only a limited and self-limiting challenge to the established order

Firearms discharge residues

The three introductory chapters are intended to summarise the available knowledge prior to the experimental work and to provide useful background information for chemists, with little or no understanding of firearms, who are required to undertake the chemical aspects of firearms casework examination. Chapter 1 provides a much condensed outline of the historical development of firearms and ammunition, with emphasis on ignition systems up to the development of the percussion primer and self contained ammunition. The second chapter presents a comprehensive literature search on the chemical nature of modem ammunition and firearms, with particular attention to priming compositions and projectiles. The final introductory chapter deals with the nature and properties of firearms discharge residues and outlines the most important developments in the search for a satisfactory detection and identification method. The objective of the experimental work is to record experience gained from the 26 year terrorist campaign in Northern Ireland and to use such experience, coupled with further research and development, to substantially improve existing procedures for firearms and explosives residue detection. The experimental work conducted is detailed in Chapter 4. Chapter 5 deals primarily with the Particle Analysis method for the detection and identification of firearms discharge residue, particular attention being directed towards the particle classification system and discharge residue from mercury fulminate and Sintox primed ammunition. Chapter 6 covers suspect handling procedures and contamination avoidance and makes recommendations for permanent improvements in and regular monitoring of the environment in which suspects are sampled. Chapter 7 outlines the development of a method for the detection of the organic constituents of firearms discharge residues, which is compatible with existing inorganic firearms discharge residue and organic explosive residue detection techniques and which enables all suspects to be routinely screened for inorganic and organic firearms discharge residue and organic explosives residue. The final chapter summanses the conclusions, recommendations and comments arising from the work.