U potrazi za doktrinom: Hrvatski ustavni identitet u Europskoj uniji

On the instance of theoretical dilemmas, which have been opened in the Croatian legal community by its entrance into the European legal system, the issues of a constitutional identity have been treated in the paper. There still exist tendencies of equalizing the federal principle with a federative state, and consequently rejecting federalism as a viable principle. In a combination with the two erroneous ideological interpretations of the European Union, whether as a system dominated by a self-serving bureaucracy, or opposite, as a community founded on a faith and altruism, they emphasize the importance of a proper understanding of the notion of constitutional identity. Among other meanings of constitutional identity, there is the one of a ‘remnant sovereignty’ in a compound community of states. To that purpose it is important, though neglected, to construe a new legal theory with an aim to strengthen the rule of law, as well as to delineate realistic principles of primacy of European law over the national constitution. Such a theory cannot be established upon a pure legalism, but only on an interdisciplinary approach, which would take into account a whole array of extrajudicial factors which determinate dynamics of relationships within a complex system of plural constitutionality of the Union. There must not be forgotten the achievements of the federalist theory, which had permeated the ideas of the founders of the European integrations. The erroneous actions of the Croatian government and the dispute with the European Commission at the very beginning of the membership, have demonstrated the necessity of such a realistic theory of constitutional identity. Since there exist a lot of confusion on the matter in other countries as well, the problems of the newest member state might be of significance for further clarifications to other members.Ulazak Republike Hrvatske u europski pravni sustav otvorio je niz teorijskih kontroverzi i rasprava u pravnoj javnosti. U radu se obrađuje jedna od njih – problem ustavnog identiteta. I danas postoje tendencije izjednačavanja federalističkog načela i federativne države te posljedično odbacivanje federalizma kao ostvarivog načela. U vezi s dvjema pogrešnim ideološkim interpretacijama Europske unije – jedne prema kojoj je riječ o sustavu kojim dominira samodostatna birokracija, ili suprotne, prema kojoj je riječ o zajednici utemeljenoj na povjerenju i altruizmu – naglašava se važnost pravilnog razumijevanja pojma ustavnog identiteta. Među ostalim značenjima ustavnog identiteta je i ono o “preostalom suverenitetu” u složenoj zajednici država. Stoga je važno, iako zanemareno, stvoriti novu pravnu teoriju radi jačanja vladavine prava, kao i jasnog definiranja realističnih načela prednosti prava Europske unije nad nacionalnim ustavima. Takva teorija ne može biti utemeljena na čisto pravnom, već samo na interdisciplinarnom pristupu, koji bi uzeo u obzir niz izvanpravnih čimbenika koji određuju dinamiku odnosa unutar složenog sustava različitih razina ustavnosti u EU-u. Pri tome ne smiju biti zaboravljena postignuća federalističke teorije koja je prožimala ideje utemeljitelja europskih integracija. Pogreške hrvatske Vlade i spor u koji je ušla s Europskom komisijom na početku hrvatskog članstva u EU-u pokazale su nužnost takve realistične teorije ustavnog identiteta. S obzirom na nejasnoće koje postoje glede tog pitanja i u drugim zemljama, problemi s kojima se susreće najnovija članica mogu biti važni i za njihova daljnja razjašnjenja u ostalim članicama EU-a

Sustainable Waste Sorter

Indiana University Purdue University IndianapolisThe purpose of this project is to help people eliminate the confusion on whether they should throw their trash away or dispose of it in a recycling bin. The sustainable waste sorter is an informative device that tells the user where to place their trash. Our customer and the origin of the idea came from an organization called Roche Diagnostics Operations. Roche Diagnostics Operations is a multinational healthcare organization, the Indianapolis location focuses more on creating and developing their diabetic test strips. The device is created of four main components which include a Raspberry Pi 2 Model B, a camera module, an LCD screen, and a casing/mount that holds all of these components together. All of these components are compatible with the Raspberry Pi 2 Model B. The software was programmed in Python and the database in MySQL. During the development of the device, the most challenging task was learning how to develop in the new language, Python. Once the device reached a stable state it was piloted at Roche Diagnostics Operations. The purpose of the first of three pilot sessions was to verify that the device worked in the environment and that the items entered in the database were recognized; as a result, the device passed that test. The second pilot session had the same purpose as the first pilot session but with more items in the database. The device received more interaction during the second pilot session, though the team decided to schedule a third pilot session once all the items were entered into the database and a revamped user interface was completed. The team entered about 800 entries into the database and created a new and interactive user interface for the device. The third pilot session was a success; the items that were scanned by testers were recognized and the new user interface was a success as well. Overall, the sustainable waste sorter project was successful and educational. We, as students, took all of our fundamental learnings from our previous courses and applied them to this project. This allowed us to enhance our problem solving and project management skills. As people use the device, we hope that it educates them on how to properly recycle therefore improving the environmental state of our planet.Computer Engineering Technolog

Ustrojstvo i djelovanje “hibridnog predsjedništva” – Ocjena djelovanja diobe vlasti unutar hrvatske izvršne vlasti

Constitutional experimentation with the organization of government in Croatia has not been completed in the twenty five years of independence. The discussion is ongoing and has been revived with each presidential elections. It is not limited exclusively to the academic community; the important political leaders, as usual, reopened the discussion during the presidential electoral campaign of 2014/2015. The previous discussions, often with the aim of examining the public opinion had, generally speaking, been disguised under the pretext of demanding “a pure parliamentary system”, as if the “hybrid” character of the constitutional system per se had created problems. Those arguments were scientifically rather easy to dismiss, since there has been virtually no “pure system” functioning in practice. The recent contention, however, puts an emphasis on the necessity to establish a more efficient government which would be energetic enough to deal with the serious and prolonged economic, social and political crisis. The analysis of this makes the primary purpose of this paper, departing from the question whether the time has come to amend the Constitution and to abandon the particular arrangement of checks and balances developed during the Constitutional reform of the year 2000, the primary objective of which has been to prevent a reoccurrence of the system of personalized and concentrated power, as developed during the first decade of independence under the pretext of the French model of a semi-presidential system. It is not our intention to analyze anew whether that might be “a pure semi-presidential system”, nor “a pure parliamentary system” or a real cohabitation à la française. Rather, ours is the aim to provide an overview of and evaluate the actual functioning of the specific Croatian variation of “a two-headed executive”, as well as whether the expectations from it have been fulfilled. The question we pose is a crucial one: has the young Croatian republic achieved such a level of democratic development and the rule of law that the checks might be forgotten and the full authority be confined to the Government in order to strengthen its’ economic and reformist capacities, or do we still believe that the necessary checks should be maintained? Instead of a proposal for change, we conclude with a caveat: do not undertake substantial changes of the system without a solid scientific projection of possible consequences.Hrvatski sustav ustrojstva vlasti kakav je uveden ustavnim promjenama iz 2000. godine, a posebno položaj predsjednika republike u tom sustavu, podvrgava se periodično vrlo oštrim kritikama, uglavnom s dvije polazne pozicije. Prvo, sa stajališta ustavnopravne teorije, kao “četvrt-predsjednički sustav”, za razliku od navodno postojećeg “čistog parlamentarizma”, te kao “hibridni model”, za razliku od “čistih” modela. Drugo, s praktičnog stajališta, kao nedjelotvoran sustav, koji ne određuje središte najviše vlasti, te tako pridonosi neželjenim sukobima. U tome bi imala biti razlika naspram “kancelarskog sustava”, koji predsjedniku države dodjeljuje samo reprezentativne funkcije, dok izvršnu vlast koncentrira u rukama predsjednika vlade. Prigovor je i to što je dioba vlasti primijenjena unutar dvaju državnih tijela koja obavljaju funkcije izvršne vlasti (egzekutive). Neposredan izbor predsjednika republike kritizira se kao skup i nepotreban te se predlaže da se izbor povjeri Saboru kao “nositelju najviše vlasti”. Autor je sudjelovao u razradi modela i branio ga u različitim prilikama te sumira argumente njemu u prilog. Na teoriju o “čistom parlamentarizmu” odgovor je jednostavan: čisti modeli u životu ne postoje, inačice parlamentarizma bezbrojne su, od zemlje do zemlje. Dodatno, teorijsku “čistoću” teško bi bilo dovesti u vezu s djelotvornošću vlasti. Sa stajališta osiguranja održivog razvoja možemo ustvrditi upravo obratno: povijesno uspješni jedino su prikladno uređeni složeni modeli, prilagođeni potrebama konkretnih društava. Svrha kojoj dioba vlasti treba služiti nedvojbeno je uzajamno ograničavanje i nadzor svih nositelja vlasti, a posebno nositelja najviše vlasti, uz osiguravanje potrebne ravnoteže kako bi se očuvala djelotvornost. Na argument o mogućim sukobima odgovor je kako je najopasnije kad je sva vlast u rukama jednoga. Dioba vlasti, upravo obratno, navodi sudionike na razborito odlučivanje i kompromise. Kako je žarište vlasti egzekutiva, to je i locus gdje je treba primijeniti. Polazi se od konstatacije kako tijekom triju mandata predsjednika republike izabranih u okvirima “hibridnog sustava”, na početku četvrtog mandata s novom predsjednicom, institucija nije institucionalizirana te njezino dalje funkcioniranje u nedopustivoj mjeri zavisi od osobnih preferencija trenutačnog nositelja dužnosti. S obzirom na to, autor razlikuje tri tipa hrvatskog predsjedništva: imperijalno, tranzicijsko i samo-ograničavajuće. Autor u zaključku naglašava obvezu znanstvenika da stalno prate i propitkuju stvarno djelovanje tog ustavno zacrtanog sklopa institucija. Početak predsjedničkog mandata gospođe Grabar-Kitarović prilika je da pokušamo prosuditi perspektive njegova razvoja. Ključ je u okretanju strogom poštivanju Ustava i zakona, bez ustupaka stranačkim i drugim posebnim interesima. Bez toga sustav odijeljenih vlasti ne može služiti svrsi zbog koje je unesen u sve demokratske ustave: ograničavanje i odgovornost nositelja vlasti. Moguće je zaključiti kako sustav diobe vlasti neće moći u potpunosti zaživjeti sve dok se ne poduzme ozbiljan korak s ciljem primjene članka 6. Ustava Republike Hrvatske, koji obvezuje stranke na demokratsko ustrojstvo i djelovanje. Ali moguće je i obratno: da vodeće političke stranke potvrde svoju dominaciju i dokrajče taj iznimno vrijedan ustavni eksperiment

Ustrojstvo i djelovanje “hibridnog predsjedništva” – Ocjena djelovanja diobe vlasti unutar hrvatske izvršne vlasti

Constitutional experimentation with the organization of government in Croatia has not been completed in the twenty five years of independence. The discussion is ongoing and has been revived with each presidential elections. It is not limited exclusively to the academic community; the important political leaders, as usual, reopened the discussion during the presidential electoral campaign of 2014/2015. The previous discussions, often with the aim of examining the public opinion had, generally speaking, been disguised under the pretext of demanding “a pure parliamentary system”, as if the “hybrid” character of the constitutional system per se had created problems. Those arguments were scientifically rather easy to dismiss, since there has been virtually no “pure system” functioning in practice. The recent contention, however, puts an emphasis on the necessity to establish a more efficient government which would be energetic enough to deal with the serious and prolonged economic, social and political crisis. The analysis of this makes the primary purpose of this paper, departing from the question whether the time has come to amend the Constitution and to abandon the particular arrangement of checks and balances developed during the Constitutional reform of the year 2000, the primary objective of which has been to prevent a reoccurrence of the system of personalized and concentrated power, as developed during the first decade of independence under the pretext of the French model of a semi-presidential system. It is not our intention to analyze anew whether that might be “a pure semi-presidential system”, nor “a pure parliamentary system” or a real cohabitation à la française. Rather, ours is the aim to provide an overview of and evaluate the actual functioning of the specific Croatian variation of “a two-headed executive”, as well as whether the expectations from it have been fulfilled. The question we pose is a crucial one: has the young Croatian republic achieved such a level of democratic development and the rule of law that the checks might be forgotten and the full authority be confined to the Government in order to strengthen its’ economic and reformist capacities, or do we still believe that the necessary checks should be maintained? Instead of a proposal for change, we conclude with a caveat: do not undertake substantial changes of the system without a solid scientific projection of possible consequences.Hrvatski sustav ustrojstva vlasti kakav je uveden ustavnim promjenama iz 2000. godine, a posebno položaj predsjednika republike u tom sustavu, podvrgava se periodično vrlo oštrim kritikama, uglavnom s dvije polazne pozicije. Prvo, sa stajališta ustavnopravne teorije, kao “četvrt-predsjednički sustav”, za razliku od navodno postojećeg “čistog parlamentarizma”, te kao “hibridni model”, za razliku od “čistih” modela. Drugo, s praktičnog stajališta, kao nedjelotvoran sustav, koji ne određuje središte najviše vlasti, te tako pridonosi neželjenim sukobima. U tome bi imala biti razlika naspram “kancelarskog sustava”, koji predsjedniku države dodjeljuje samo reprezentativne funkcije, dok izvršnu vlast koncentrira u rukama predsjednika vlade. Prigovor je i to što je dioba vlasti primijenjena unutar dvaju državnih tijela koja obavljaju funkcije izvršne vlasti (egzekutive). Neposredan izbor predsjednika republike kritizira se kao skup i nepotreban te se predlaže da se izbor povjeri Saboru kao “nositelju najviše vlasti”. Autor je sudjelovao u razradi modela i branio ga u različitim prilikama te sumira argumente njemu u prilog. Na teoriju o “čistom parlamentarizmu” odgovor je jednostavan: čisti modeli u životu ne postoje, inačice parlamentarizma bezbrojne su, od zemlje do zemlje. Dodatno, teorijsku “čistoću” teško bi bilo dovesti u vezu s djelotvornošću vlasti. Sa stajališta osiguranja održivog razvoja možemo ustvrditi upravo obratno: povijesno uspješni jedino su prikladno uređeni složeni modeli, prilagođeni potrebama konkretnih društava. Svrha kojoj dioba vlasti treba služiti nedvojbeno je uzajamno ograničavanje i nadzor svih nositelja vlasti, a posebno nositelja najviše vlasti, uz osiguravanje potrebne ravnoteže kako bi se očuvala djelotvornost. Na argument o mogućim sukobima odgovor je kako je najopasnije kad je sva vlast u rukama jednoga. Dioba vlasti, upravo obratno, navodi sudionike na razborito odlučivanje i kompromise. Kako je žarište vlasti egzekutiva, to je i locus gdje je treba primijeniti. Polazi se od konstatacije kako tijekom triju mandata predsjednika republike izabranih u okvirima “hibridnog sustava”, na početku četvrtog mandata s novom predsjednicom, institucija nije institucionalizirana te njezino dalje funkcioniranje u nedopustivoj mjeri zavisi od osobnih preferencija trenutačnog nositelja dužnosti. S obzirom na to, autor razlikuje tri tipa hrvatskog predsjedništva: imperijalno, tranzicijsko i samo-ograničavajuće. Autor u zaključku naglašava obvezu znanstvenika da stalno prate i propitkuju stvarno djelovanje tog ustavno zacrtanog sklopa institucija. Početak predsjedničkog mandata gospođe Grabar-Kitarović prilika je da pokušamo prosuditi perspektive njegova razvoja. Ključ je u okretanju strogom poštivanju Ustava i zakona, bez ustupaka stranačkim i drugim posebnim interesima. Bez toga sustav odijeljenih vlasti ne može služiti svrsi zbog koje je unesen u sve demokratske ustave: ograničavanje i odgovornost nositelja vlasti. Moguće je zaključiti kako sustav diobe vlasti neće moći u potpunosti zaživjeti sve dok se ne poduzme ozbiljan korak s ciljem primjene članka 6. Ustava Republike Hrvatske, koji obvezuje stranke na demokratsko ustrojstvo i djelovanje. Ali moguće je i obratno: da vodeće političke stranke potvrde svoju dominaciju i dokrajče taj iznimno vrijedan ustavni eksperiment

The Notion of Security and Free Access to Information. Creation and Development of the Right of the Public to know in European and Croatian Jurisprudence

The contemporary notion of security, both in legal terms and international relations, reveals several important issues of crucial importance. The core of the matter centres upon a proper understanding of the balance between the competing values of the public interest on one side and individual rights on the other. The authors deal with the relevant European developments and Croatian experiences in the legal interpretation of standards guaranteeing free access to information, understood as a fundamental right, and show that an appropriate method of interpretation is indispensable for its protection

Parlamentarni sustav i stabilnost hrvatskog ustava

V razpravi z naslovom Parlamentarni sistem in stabilnost hrvaške ustave se prof. dr. Branko Smerdel z zagrebške pravne fakultete, predsednik Hrvaškega društva za Ustavno pravi in častni član Društva za ustavno pravo Slovenije, zavzema za ohranjanje hibridnega modela parlamentarnega sistema in nasprotuje predlogom, da vsakokratna zamenjava nosilcev najvišjih državnih funkcij povzroči poskuse spreminjanja tega modela, tokrat v obliki predlogov za uvedbo čistega parlamentarnega modela. Pri tem opozarja, da bi ponovno spreminjanje modela lahko po nepotrebnem destabiliziralo hrvaški ustavni sistem. Obenem se avtor zavzema za poglobljeno znanstveno razpravo o morebitnih dograditvah sistema, ki bi bila zasnovana na raziskovanjih, povezanih z delovanjem tega sistema na Hrvaškem in proučevanju izkušenj parlamentarnih sistemov drugih držav. Prispevek objavljamo v hrvaškem izvirniku.The modern nation-state faces a huge challenge of inner nature – the appearance of multicultural (pluralistic) societies that carry one new consequence. Every modern nation-state is also a community of citizens and “community of communities“ (community of national / ethnic communities). Multicultural society, as a plural society, from theoretical and legal point of view in any case must not be understood as a factor whose existence excludes the possibility of the existence of the bourgeois state, which relies on consistent application of the principle: ”One citizen – one vote”. On the contrary, the coexistence of different ethnic, linguistic, racial, cultural and other groups in the civil state is possible. Proponents of multiculturalism stress that a political identity of an individual largely depends on his cultural and political identity, because one will, through one’s political activities make an effort to realize and protect the interests of cultural and ethnic community to which he belongs. This theoretical and practical model, adapted to the specificities of the BiH plural society, could be successfully implemented into the constitutional structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which would not deny either individual or collective identity of any of the BiH citizen, regardless of the social group he belongs to. The key issue consists in finding a constitutional model in which the civil concept will not be threatened by the collective national rights, and vice versa. In this regard, the exercise of the sovereignty of BiH citizens, but also the constituency of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, must be ensured, in the first place, by consistent exercise of their political rights – active and passive voting rights. Negation of the importance of the BiH citizen, regardless of his “collective affiliation”, can not lead to building and maintaining a stable and prosperous Bosnian society. The text is published in the Bosnian original

Prvi koraki na poti med delovne vole – ali o posameznih začetnih spoznanjih o odnosih do živali, kakršne poraja bližina

Prispevek vpeljuje avtoričina premišljanja o istenju ljudi in delovnih volov, še posebej pri telesno napornih opravilih; strnjeno predstavlja proces raziskovanja razmerij med ljudmi in temi domačimi živalmi – razmerij, ki so vezi; raziskava pa je umeščena med sorodna premišljanja in teoretske paradigme v širših humanističnih okoljih