(New) Bulgarian Enlighteners and Ambassadors? The Reinvention of National Identity in Times of Crisis

Drawing on empirical data from 37 Bulgarian students and young professionals in the UK, this article explores the intersection of the discourses produced by the European crises and migrants' national identity. In Bulgaria, the crisis narrative is embedded in the arguably never‐ending democratic transition, manifested in socio‐economic instability and political volatility. Simultaneously, “Brexit Britain” is enveloped in strong Eurosceptic sentiments, propelled by a combination of austerity measures and intensified Eastern European migratory flows. Both contexts subject Bulgarian migrants to stigmatizing representations. Looking at migrants' everyday practices, the data reveals that young Bulgarians draw on the related ideas of the “new” Enlightener and Ambassador to counterbalance negative discourses. Thus, the article explores the meanings and significance attributed to the Enlighteners and the Ambassadors, arguing that the participants engage in “social creativity” and “individual mobility” strategies that lead to reinvention of national identity

History, Memory, and Trans-European Identity: Unifying Divisions.

This book questions the presupposition voiced by many historians and political scientists that political experiences in Europe continue to be interpreted in terms of national history, and that a European community of remembrance still does not exist. By tracing the evolution of specific memory cultures in two successor countries of the Fascist/Nazi regime (Italy and Germany) and the impact of structural changes upon them, the book investigates wider democratic processes, particularly concerning the conservation and transmission of values and the definition of identity on different levels. It argues that the creation of a transnational European memory culture does not necessarily imply the erasure of national and local forms of remembrance. It rather means the creation of a further supranational arena where diverging memories can find their expression and can be dealt with in a different way. Through the triangulation of agents of memory construction, constraints and opportunities and actual portrayals of the past, this volume explores the difficulties faced by a multinational entity like the EU in reaching some kind of consensus on such a sensitive subject as history

Democratic Change in Central and Eastern Europe 1989-90

The analysis of the European Parliament’s archival documents (reports, resolutions and debates) undoubtedly demonstrates that the EP has been in the front-row when it comes to debating the events leading to democratic change in Central and Eastern European countries. Clearly voicing its concerns about developments in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia even before its first direct elections in 1979, the EP from the very beginning has taken a clear stance in condemning human rights violations while supporting movements towards democratisation in Central and Eastern Europe. The amount of discussions in the Parliament increased with the beginning of glasnost and perestroika in the 1980s and intensified in the run-up to the fall of the Berlin Wall. MEPs discussed not only the deteriorating political situation in Poland and Czechoslovakia but also the protection of human rights in Romania and Eastern Germany. As the events of 1989 unfolded debates became more and more controversial. The question of German unification and of national selfdetermination in both the GDR and the Baltic States clearly divided MEPs. While there seemed to be a general agreement concerning the active role the EU should play in providing economic aid to Central and Eastern Europe, marked security concerns dominated discussions on Germany’s and the Baltic countries’ future. The beginning of the 1990s was characterised by a general shift in focus. With the signing of the Europe Agreements and with enlargement becoming a real possibility, the importance of political, cultural and scientific cooperation suddenly started to take centre stage. Initial debates on accession were nevertheless characterised by stark differences of opinion concerning the timeframe and the depth of future collaboration with Central and Eastern Europe. Similarly heated discussions can be observed at the start of the Yugoslav Wars with MEPs being divided over the question of a possible military intervention on Yugoslav territory and the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. The Balkan Wars and their aftermath clearly provided the backdrop to accession negotiations with Central and Eastern European countries, brushing aside most disagreements between MEPs on the one hand and the Commission and the EP on the other. While the EP closely monitored progress towards democratisation, it gave unwavering support to almost all candidate countries. It thus paved the way for the accession of ten Central and Eastern European countries in 2004 followed by three more in 2007 and 2013 respectively

The opening of accession negotiations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe

On the basis of oral interviews with European Commission officials and classified European Commission documents, the chapter highlights the main lines and rationales of the EU Mediterranean policy under the Delors and Santer Commissions