Sprachenkompetenz im livländischen Zweig des Deutschen Ordens

Language expertise in the Livonian Teutonic Order The contribution discusses the knowledge of languages by members and officials of the Teutonic Order in Livonia. The topics of this paper are the presence and role of the (Old) Russian, and Livonian native languages in the Order. Russian was needed for diplomatic contacts with the Rus’ and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. There were individual knights of the Order who were able to communicate in Russian. However, the Order mostly used hired interpreters and translators. They were of urban descent and had learned the language as young merchants. Some of them served the Order (the Master of the Order) for decades and received small holdings (a couple of peasant farms) as payment. In several cases the translators acted independently as diplomats and envoys. The Livonian Teutonic Order also needed special staff for communication with the natives. As indicated in the sixteenth-century sources, the Teutonic manors had interpreters among their staff. The intermediators could be members of Livonian local German nobility, and of the native (“undeutsch”) descent as well. The interpreters at a Teutonic castle belonged to the lower group of functionaries and became remunerated, for example, with a tavern or mill. The quality of the translations can be traced in the case of the communication with the Rus’, and it is in many cases remarkably low. All in all, the practical multilingual communication of the Teutonic Order in Livonia functioned seemingly quite well.Language expertise in the Livonian Teutonic Order The contribution discusses the knowledge of languages by members and officials of the Teutonic Order in Livonia. The topics of this paper are the presence and role of the (Old) Russian, and Livonian native languages in the Order. Russian was needed for diplomatic contacts with the Rus’ and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. There were individual knights of the Order who were able to communicate in Russian. However, the Order mostly used hired interpreters and translators. They were of urban descent and had learned the language as young merchants. Some of them served the Order (the Master of the Order) for decades and received small holdings (a couple of peasant farms) as payment. In several cases the translators acted independently as diplomats and envoys. The Livonian Teutonic Order also needed special staff for communication with the natives. As indicated in the sixteenth-century sources, the Teutonic manors had interpreters among their staff. The intermediators could be members of Livonian local German nobility, and of the native (“undeutsch”) descent as well. The interpreters at a Teutonic castle belonged to the lower group of functionaries and became remunerated, for example, with a tavern or mill. The quality of the translations can be traced in the case of the communication with the Rus’, and it is in many cases remarkably low. All in all, the practical multilingual communication of the Teutonic Order in Livonia functioned seemingly quite well.Language expertise in the Livonian Teutonic Order The contribution discusses the knowledge of languages by members and officials of the Teutonic Order in Livonia. The topics of this paper are the presence and role of the (Old) Russian, and Livonian native languages in the Order. Russian was needed for diplomatic contacts with the Rus’ and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. There were individual knights of the Order who were able to communicate in Russian. However, the Order mostly used hired interpreters and translators. They were of urban descent and had learned the language as young merchants. Some of them served the Order (the Master of the Order) for decades and received small holdings (a couple of peasant farms) as payment. In several cases the translators acted independently as diplomats and envoys. The Livonian Teutonic Order also needed special staff for communication with the natives. As indicated in the sixteenth-century sources, the Teutonic manors had interpreters among their staff. The intermediators could be members of Livonian local German nobility, and of the native (“undeutsch”) descent as well. The interpreters at a Teutonic castle belonged to the lower group of functionaries and became remunerated, for example, with a tavern or mill. The quality of the translations can be traced in the case of the communication with the Rus’, and it is in many cases remarkably low. All in all, the practical multilingual communication of the Teutonic Order in Livonia functioned seemingly quite well

Lätlased ja tšuhnaad: kohalikud ja võõrad Liivi sõja aegses Eestis ja Lätis. Latyshi and Chukhontsy: locals and strangers in Estonia and Latvia during the Livonian War (1558–1582)

Lätlased ja tšuhnaad: kohalikud ja võõrad Liivi sõja aegses Eestis ja Lätis. Latyshi and Chukhontsy: locals and strangers in Estonia and Latvia during the Livonian War (1558–1582

Die Rolle des Deutchen Ordens bei der Entstehung der Pfarrorganisation in Livland

The Role of the Teutonic Order in Creating the Parochial Organisation in LivoniaLivonia counted no less than 170–180 rural parishes in around 1550. About 90 of them were situated on the territory of the Teutonic Order. The net of Livonian parishes was uneven; especially in the Teutonic Order’s territory in the south and south-east the area of several parishes exceeded hundreds of km2. Parishes consisted an important tool of controlling and administrating an area and their establishment corresponded to the interests of the territorial lord. Their density reflects the settlement pattern of the territory. In this regard there is no differences between the lordship of the Teutonic Order and episcopal ones. The very large parishes of the Order’s territory lie in sparsely settled areas which were continuously affected by warfare during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The correlation existed between the size of parishes and the economic capacity of a region, irrespective who was the master over the territory. Additionally, local vassals initiated new parish foundations in the14th–16th centuries. As the Order’s territory lacked extensive enfeoffments, the new parishes were mostly created in episcopal territories. There were no fundamental differences in the parish establishing policy of the Teutonic Order and the bishops

Die Burg Warbeck (Kastre)

Kastre (sometimes called Uue-Kastre) Castle on the north shore of the Emajõgi River has been almost totally destroyed. At one time it belonged to the Tartu bishops, and a trade route connecting the Baltic Sea countries and Russia through Tartu and Pskov ran past the castle. In the Middle Ages, this also marked the actual boundary of the Tartu bishopric, since only unsettled wetlands covered the area between the castle and the lake. The Kastre Castle is mentioned in the written records for the first time in 1392 as a customs checkpoint, in connection with a treaty between the Hanseatic towns and Novgorod. There was a barrier near the castle that was stretched over the river with a rope or chain, which stopped the boats and ships from sailing through without stopping. When the Pskovians launched a military expedition on their lodʼya boats against the Tartu bishopric in 1342, there is no mention of the Kastre Castle. The place name is probably based on the Old Russian word kosterʼ (костеръ), which meant stronghold and has been used as a loan word in the eastern Finnic languages. The German name of Kastre is Warbek, and the current explanation is that this meant “river defence” (Middle German were des bekes). However, were has also meant fish barrier, i.e. a fishing structure built across the flow of the river.In 1993, the owner of the castle property had the moats around surrounding the castle and outer bailey dredged and widened, which changed their location and appearance notably. The first archaeological studies at the castle were conducted to verify the damage caused by this unauthorised excavation work. In 1994, the profile of the ground exposed by excavator rooting around in the moats was documented. In 2001, the first archaeological excavations took place at the site of the Kastre Castle. There were plans to build a new structure between the walls of the tavern that had been built on the site of the castle in the late 18th and 19th century, and the necessary trenches were dug in the course of the archaeological rescue excavations. Supervision of the construction work, as well as excavation work related the cleanup of the moats and surrounding property, continued for the next few years. Depending on the location, the excavations reached the cobblestone paving that was located 40–120 cm below the prior ground level in the courtyard and interiors of the castle.In 2001, wood samples were taken from the logs that were revealed on the western slope of the western moat of the Kastre outer bailey, and had been used to fortify the incline. The dendrochronological study shows that the logs were fell after the 1376 growth period (summer). Therefore, the moat of the Kastre outer bailey was probably fortified in 1377. The direct motivation for building the castle may have been the border war between Pskov and the Tartu bishopric that lasted from 1367 to 1371. The main battlefield of the war was Lake Peipsi, and a dispute about the fishing rights in Lake Lämmijärv has been given as the main explanation for the war.Kastre was a very important medieval fishery centre for the lower Emajõgi River and Lake Peipsi. Here the import of fish was taxed. In the vicinity, one could find the fishing grounds of the Tartu bishop, the Cathedral Chapter, the town of Tartu, monasteries and private manors, as well as of the Teutonic Order. The water and winter roads that ran through Kastre from Tartu toward Russia or Narva comprised an important traffic zone, which the castle controlled. Kastre was the centre of the relevant Tartu bishopric’s administrative division. The bishops are said to have visited the border castle personally on many occasions, so suitable rooms must have existed at the castle. An idea of the castle is provided by plans from 17th century.The castle was built in at least two stages. Its foundations were built on log floats. First an unusual rectangular building of fieldstones and bricks was built, the longest wall of which was 17,5 metres and the shortest 12 metres; the walls were 2,5 to 2,8 metres thick. The walls on the north and northwest side of the castle were built later against the originally planned walls; whereas the upper parts of the original northern and eastern walls were demolished. A subsequent addition was the cannon tower on the southeast corner of the castle, which is indicted on plans from the late 17th century, and the diameter of which, based on these plans, would have been about 9,5 metres. Considering the location of the walls that have been revealed, most of the tower’s foundation walls have been washed away by the Emajõgi River. Apparently a wooden building was located in the northern part of the castle’s courtyard. The castle was surrounding by a moat that was up to 15 metres wide. It is not possible to determine the exact time of the different stages of construction. From the dendrochronological studies we can conclude that the outer bailey, or at least the area surrounded by moats, is not a later construction but most probably one of the oldest parts of the castle. Bricks typical of the 14th and 15th centuries have been used in the walls of the first construction stage; the addition, based on the dimensions of the bricks, is a later construction. There have been no finds on the entire property that date back to the period before the 15th century.On the west side of the castle, there is an area that is about 60 metres long and wide, and surrounded by a 10-metre-wide moat. The cultural layer here is only a ten or so centimetres thick. There were probably no stone buildings here; but it’s possible that wooden outbuildings were already located here when it was a bishopric castle. A tavern and outbuildings are indicated on the 17th century plans. In the course of cleaning the moats, wooden shore fortifications came to light in the northeast corner of the outer bailey. There was a small settlement near the castle, which, in 1601, included 21 households – 20 of them fishers and one brewer. A Mary Magdalene chapel is mentioned in 1613 here. A cemetery is located on the western side of the castle, which could have surrounded a chapel.The Kastre Castle has been repeatedly associated with military events, such as border wars and internal conflicts. In the Livonian War, Kastre was one of the first castles that fell into the hands of the Russians in 1558. Based on the Truce of Yam-Zapolsky, the castle was transferred to Poland in 1582. During the Russo-Swedish War in 1656, the Swedes were able make repairs the castle and make it defensible, and they stationed garrison there. However, it still fell into Russian hands until the Treaty of Kärde was signed in 1661. In the late 17th century, the Swedes planned to completely rebuild the castle. But as of 1704, the castle was still in ruins. After the Great Northern War, being inside the borders of the Russian Empire, the Kastre Castle lost its potential military importance. By the second half of the 18th century, the castle had turned into “a pile of stones”, from which a tavern was built

Language expertise in the Livonian Teutonic Order

The contribution discusses the knowledge of languages by members and officials of the Teutonic Order in Livonia. The topics of this paper are the presence and role of the (Old) Russian, and Livonian native languages in the Order. Russian was needed for diplomatic contacts with the Rus’ and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. There were individual knights of the Order who were able to communicate in Russian. However, the Order mostly used hired interpreters and translators. They were of urban descent and had learned the language as young merchants. Some of them served the Order (the Master of the Order) for decades and received small holdings (a couple of peasant farms) as payment. In several cases the translators acted independently as diplomats and envoys. The Livonian Teutonic Order also needed special staff for communication with the natives. As indicated in the sixteenth-century sources, the Teutonic manors had interpreters among their staff. The intermediators could be members of Livonian local German nobility, and of the native (“undeutsch”) descent as well. The interpreters at a Teutonic castle belonged to the lower group of functionaries and became remunerated, for example, with a tavern or mill. The quality of the translations can be traced in the case of the communication with the Rus’, and it is in many cases remarkably low. All in all, the practical multilingual communication of the Teutonic Order in Livonia functioned seemingly quite well

Where Was the Home of the Livonian Merchant? Early Urban Mobility in the Baltics

Medieval Livonia and its town life were created in the 12th and 13th centuries as a result of crusading conquests. Livonian urban elites immigrated mostly from German lands. A small number of people of indigenous origin were also integrated into the emerging merchant class. Besides merchants who settled down in Riga, Tallinn, Tartu, or in other towns in the region, travelling merchants from the western part of the forming Hanseatic area played an important role in the urban life and even in the urban administration. On the basis of anthroponyms and geographical identifications of medieval townspeople, the author of the article argues that the migration patterns were not limited to immigration from Germany to Livonia. The social and spatial integration of this region resulted from multiple ways of travelling and relocation: people also returned to Germany or remained simultaneously connected to several places and sometimes remained permanently mobile. Early Livonian merchants could also be mobile within the area including minor towns and even rural places. Not only the “Germans”, but also people of native origin were involved in these movements. The family networks in particular supported multiple spatial identifications. An economically active person could have many places of identification; moving from one town to another during a lifetime was the rule, not an exception. However, the existing network of family and kinship relations, which provided trustworthy partners in the vast area from Westphalia to Livonia, was probably one of the main factors which made German merchants enjoy an advantage over their Scandinavian and Livonian native counterparts