Javno komuniciranje med zamejstvom in Republiko Slovenijo

Članek obravnava popularne zahteve po večjem dostopu zamejcev in predstavitvi njihovih interesov v medijih v Republiki Sloveniji (RS), s čimer se po mnenju avtorja nekritično idealizira homogenost diskurzov različnih medijev in publik. (Ne)homogenost je konceptualizirana z gledišča funkcionalističnih in na drugi strani kritičnih diskurzivnih teorij javnosti, kjer slednje - za razliko od prvih - ne vidijo pogoja za integrirano javno sfero v prekrivajočih se diskurzivnih okvirih, temveč v odpravi družbenoekonomskih neenakosti javnih akterjev in v povečani pluralnosti medijev. Rezultati kvantitativne analize prispevkov zamejskih medijev in medijev v RS so pokazali, da se javna razprava oblikuje ob konkretnih zadevah z interpenetracijo diskurzivnih okvirov, ob tem, da javno komuniciranje med zamejstvom in Slovenijo odraža razlike v vplivu in moči med njima, kar mnogo bolje pojasnijo diskurzivne teorije.The article deals with popular demands for heightening the access of the Slovene national minorities and presentation of their interests in the media in the Republic of Slovenia (RS). Author argues that such demands uncritically idealize homogeneity of discourses of diverse media and publics. (Non)homogenity is conceptualized from the perspective of functionalist and from the critical discursive theories of the public sphere, where the last ones - as opposed to the first ones - do not condition the integrated public sphere by the overlap of discursive frames but by the elimination of socioeconomic inequalities of public actors and by the heightening of the plurality of media. The results of the quantitative analysis of the articles of minorities\u27 media and media in RS show that the public discussion is formed by the interpenetration of discursive frames, whereas the public communication between minorities and Slovenia reflects the uneven distribution of influence and power between them, which can be much better explained by discursive theories

Public scientific communication: reflections on the public and its participation forms

Scientific communication also pertains to the domain of society, where the formation of public opinion about science and technology is taking place. Concerning this process, two main points are exposed in the commentary. The first is a proposition on how the public as a social category may be conceptualized, and the second is the extent of the participation of members of the public in strengthening socialization and democratization practices in new, highly complex, contexts of scientific research. The public is conceptualized to include all citizens no matter their professional origin, including scientists, which promotes the idea of openness and equality of the public sphere where scientific issues are discussed. To be democratic in its practical-political setting, such a conception needs to deal with the problems of participation in a highly mediatized world, where not every member of the public could be included into scientific research. The author thus reflects on the mechanisms which would enable the formation of public forums where the trust of influential public actors as stakeholders of research can be tested

„Neue“ Theorien über Öffentlichkeit und Aktualität: Das hierarchische System von Einflüssen und der Dominanz immaterieller Arbeit

The article considers "new" theories of the public, sometimes also called "postmodern" theories, which emphasize the openness of the mediated public sphere and plurality of symbolic publics, which can find the modus of their interests with the help of the steering capability of the system of influence. The author argues that it is possible to envisage a consensus between symbolic publics only because the theories are funded in the liberal tradition, which presupposes the interests and rationality of the members of the publics to be autonomous in relation to the material conditions in which they live. When historical-material thought is applied, two types of inequalities that permeate the system of influence are revealed, the structural and the relational one. These in reality lead to the formation of partial publics and a fragmented public sphere. However, public actors do not call into question the origins of the mentioned inequalities, because in times of the hegemony of immaterial labor, they (public actors) are both consumers and producers of ideological forms, which engender an "objective" world view based on the model of circulation (the market). The creation of the common worldview in turn creates the neutral base for a "new" kind of refeudalization of the public sphere. This is now carried out by classes and members of the public that did not take part in the "classical" intrusion of private interests into the public sphere in the time of modernity.U članku se razmatraju "nove" teorije javnosti, ponekad nazvane i "postmodernim" teorijama, koje ističu otvorenost posredovane javne sfere i množinu simboličkih javnosti i koje pronalaze interesne moduse uz pomoć upravljačkih sposobnosti sustava utjecaja. Autor tvrdi da je moguće zamisliti konsenzus između simboličkih javnosti samo zato što su ove teorije zasnovane na liberalnoj tradiciji, što pretpostavlja da će interesi i racionalnost pripadnika javnosti biti autonomni u odnosu na materijalne uvjete u kojima žive. Kada se primjenjuje historijsko- -materijalistička misao, otkrivaju se dvije vrste nejednakosti koje se šire sustavom utjecaja, a to su strukturna i relacijska nejednakost. One u stvarnosti vode stvaranju djelomičnih javnosti i fragmentirane javne sfere. Ipak, javni subjekti ne dovode u pitanje podrijetlo spomenutih nejednakosti, jer u vremenima hegemonije nematerijalnoga rada oni (javni subjekti) ujedno su i potrošači i proizvođači ideoloških oblika koji stvaraju "objektivan" pogled na svijet što se temelji na modelu kruženja (tržišta). Stvaranje zajedničkoga pogleda na svijet tada stvara neutralnu podlogu za "novu" vrstu refeudalizacije javne sfere. Nju sada provode klase i pripadnici javnosti koji nisu sudjelovali u "klasičnom" upletanju privatnih interesa u javnu sferu u moderno vrijeme.In diesem Artikel werden „neue“ Öffentlichkeitstheorien untersucht, die mitunter auch als „postmoderne“ Theorien bezeichnet werden. Diese betonen die Offenheit der vermittelten Öffentlichkeitssphäre und die vielfaltigen Formen symbolischer Öffentlichkeit, die mit Hilfe des Verwaltungs- Knowhows großer Einflusssysteme ihre Interessen geltend machen. Der Verfasser vertritt die These, dass ein Konsensus zwischen symbolischen Öffentlichkeitsformen denkbar sei, allein deshalb weil diese Theorien in der liberalen Tradition begründet seien. Dies setze nämlich voraus, dass Interessen und Rationalität von Öffentlichkeitsvertretern autonom sind in Bezug auf ihre materiellen Lebensumstände. Gemäß dem historisch-materialistischen Denken erschließen sich zwei Formen der Ungleichheit, die sich in Einflusssystemen ausbreiten: strukturale Ungleichheit sowie Ungleichheit in den Beziehungen. Diese Formen der Ungleichheit resultieren in der Entstehung partialer Öffentlichkeiten und fragmentierter Öffentlichkeitssphären. Dennoch wird der Ursprung genannter Ungleichheitsformen von den in der Öffentlichkeit agierenden Subjekten nicht in Frage gestellt, denn in Zeiten der Dominanz immaterieller Arbeit sind die öffentlichen Subjekte zugleich Verbraucher und Hersteller ideologischer Denkformen, die eine „objektive“ Sicht der auf dem Modell der Zirkulation (des Marktes) begründeten Welt hervorbringen. Die Schaffung einer gemeinsamen Weltsicht bringt so eine neutrale Grundlage für eine „neue“ Art der Refeudalisierung der Öffentlichkeitssphäre hervor. Diese wird nun beherrscht von Klassen und Öffentlichkeitsvertretern, die an der „klassischen“ Einflussnahme privater Interessen auf die öffentliche Sphäre der modernen Zeit nicht teilhatten

EU accession, crimes and sports: the thematic frame of reciprocal perceptions between Western Balkan countries and EU

The paper outlines the reciprocal perceptions between the Western Balkan countries and the EU against the background of a future EU accession of the region. Based on the rationale that mass media is a crucial platform through which reciprocal perceptions are identified and reciprocal images are formed. A comparative newspaper analysis in 2009 focused on the reciprocal news coverage in two EU countries (Austria and Slovenia) and two Western Balkan countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia) , which also identified the geographical and thematic frame of the reciprocal news coverage of both sides. The paper reveals that the attention paid towards the EU region in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia is significantly higher than that paid towards the Western Balkan region in the EU countries. It also illustrates that EU-related topics are not the only thematic frame shaping the news coverage on both sides when the respective, ‘Other,’ is taken into account

funkcija "psa čuvaja" med regijo in državo

Regional press is, because it is stretched between regional public actors, regionally limited segment of audience and social subsystems - from economic sector that orders advertisements, regional political parties to the local public services, financially sensitive. That is why the criticism of the central government and the actions of institutions on the national or even the global level is a reasonable choice at the combination of the press\u27 "watchdog" function and its function to assure high revenues on the invested capital. With the intention to preserve the "imagined" community of the region the criticism of the press is directed towards external actors, which due to its power are able to overlook the region\u27s interets. This can have an ambiguous effect: the audience approves the critical stance of the press, however, the criticism can many times have no efficiency, which disregards the interests of the regional public. The financial impact is good for the press, but the transformation of the public\u27s interest on the national level is unsuccessful. In the article collide two ideas - from the liberal political theory and the materialistic political economy - which see the relationship between the press and the government differently, however, in reality these two functions - ("watchdog" function and economic function) are combined in spite of tensions between them. Mentioned combination is showed by the research of the editorials of the two regional newspapers Primorske novice and Gorenjski glas in two periods (year 2002 and 2005-06). The central question is how much the regional press is autonomous in exerting the control of the government (the function that stems from the liberal theory) and how much the press is influenced by the market imperatives that guide the interest of the owners of the press, among which in some cases (Primorske novice) also the state belongs in. Theoretical findings are through the analysis of the editorials, performed with the quantative content analysis, applied to regional newspapers and to its relationship to the Slovenian government - to the two politically distinctly oriented central government

Pojem vpliv in krmiljenje javnomnenjskih procesov

The article conceptualises influence in order to follow principles of open and egalitarian public discussion, which enables to test the integrative potential of influenceat the same time functional understanding of influenceas a steering medium is reflected as an opposing concept. One of the more innovative conceptualisations of influence has been presented by an American sociologist Leon Mayhew, who has combined Parsons\u27 concept of influence as a steering medium and Habermas\u27 concept of influence as a condensed form of communication. In Mayhew\u27s theory the public opinion processis a self integrating functional system, in which influence is a steering medium, which steers decisions of the public with intrinsic sanctions. Here comes to the fore the discrepancy between two concepts of the public: between the two-step model of elite and passive public and between more egalitarian model of the public. It is of course possible to explain influence from the system point of viewhowever, it is assumed that in the egalitarian and free public sphere the agreement is not steered with sanctions and trust. The process will rather be driven with recognition of differences, as shows Moscovici\u27s theory of social representations. From this perspective, antagonisms are the motor of the society and the cause of the communication in the public sphere. Mayhew\u27s concept of influence is thus supplemented with a more dynamic conceptualisation of influence in which levers of persuasion even enhance communication. Namely, influence is the cause of conflict and in this case intrinsic sanctions do not automatize decisions of the members of the public. In the improved model, which presupposes free access to the public sphere, influence could not be conceptualized as a steering mediu