FACILIS DECENSUS AVERNO

U tekstu se prikazuju i vrednuju strategija i taktika hrvatske politike krajem šezdesetih i početkom sedamdesetih godina prošlog stoljeća. U središtu je analize povijesna X. sjednica CK SKH (1970), koja je definirala hrvatsku politiku spram privredne i društvene reforme te spram centralističkog unitarizma i hrvatskog nacionalizma. Deseta je sjednica osmišljena i održana na inicijativu Vladimira Bakarića, velikana i veterana hrvatske politike, koji je bio neprikosnoveni gospodar Hrvatske od kraja rata pa sve do 1969. Padom Rankovića (1966), simbola “neostaljinističkog centralizma, birokratizma i velikosrpskog hegemonizma”, uklonjena je jedna od glavnih prepreka modernizaciji i demokratizaciji jugoslavenskog komunizma. Ekonomsko i političko liberaliziranje režima, decentralizacija i jačanje pozicija republika imali su najbolje zagovornike u Bakariću i njegovim učenicima, pametnoj i obrazovanoj generaciji komunista (Tripalo, Dabčević-Kučar, Pirker). Upravo će oni postati simboli borbe protiv partijskog dogmatskog konzervativizma i staljinističkog voluntarizma. Autor daje niz elemenata za razumijevanje kako je moguće da je upravo ta generacija dinamičnih i popularnih političara, priznatih i uspješnih zastupnika socijalističke demokracije i nacionalne ravnopravnosti, tragično završila svoju političku karijeru s optužbama za koketiranje sa šovinizmom, za primjenu “neostaljinističkih” metoda protiv protivnika i kolega, te za pokušaj uspostavljanja kvazifašističke države u kojoj bi diktatorska vlast klike (bivših?) komunista i nacionalista u savezu s novom srednjom klasom menadžera i “tehnokrata” bila maskirana socijalističkom retorikom i pseudomobilizacijom masa, zavedenih nacionalizmom i lažima da su za sve probleme krivi pripadnici neke druge nacije.The text provides an overview and evaluation of the strategy and tactics of Croatian politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The analysis focuses on the historical Tenth Session of CK SKH (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia) held in 1970, which defined Croatian politics with regard to economic and social reform, as well as to centralist unitarism and Croatian nationalism. The Tenth Session was conceived and held on the initiative of Vladimir Bakarić, a great figure and a veteran of Croatian politics, who was the uncontested master of Croatia from the end of the war to 1969. With the fall of Ranković (1966), the symbol of “neo-Stalinist centralism, bureaucratism and Great-Serbian hegemonism”, one of the principal obstacles to modernization and democratization of Yugoslav communism was removed. The finest advocates of economic and political liberalization of the regime, of decentralization and of a stronger position of the republics were Bakarić and his disciples, an intelligent and well-educated generation of communists (Tripalo, Dabčević-Kučar, Pirker). They are the ones who would eventually become symbols of the struggle against the Party’s dogmatic conservatism and Stalinist voluntarism. The author puts forward a series of elements which make it possible to understand how the political career of this generation of dynamic and popular politicians, recognized and successful representatives of socialist democracy and national equality, came to a tragic end marked by accusations of flirting with chauvinism, of using “neo-Stalinist” methods against opponents and colleagues, and of attempting to establish a quasi-fascist state, in which the dictatorial rule of the clique of (former?) communists and nationalists, in alliance with the new middle class of managers and “technocrats”, would be masked by socialist rhetoric and pseudo-mobilization of the masses deluded by nationalism into believing that members of some other nation are to blame for all problems

FACILIS DECENSUS AVERNO

U tekstu se prikazuju i vrednuju strategija i taktika hrvatske politike krajem šezdesetih i početkom sedamdesetih godina prošlog stoljeća. U središtu je analize povijesna X. sjednica CK SKH (1970), koja je definirala hrvatsku politiku spram privredne i društvene reforme te spram centralističkog unitarizma i hrvatskog nacionalizma. Deseta je sjednica osmišljena i održana na inicijativu Vladimira Bakarića, velikana i veterana hrvatske politike, koji je bio neprikosnoveni gospodar Hrvatske od kraja rata pa sve do 1969. Padom Rankovića (1966), simbola “neostaljinističkog centralizma, birokratizma i velikosrpskog hegemonizma”, uklonjena je jedna od glavnih prepreka modernizaciji i demokratizaciji jugoslavenskog komunizma. Ekonomsko i političko liberaliziranje režima, decentralizacija i jačanje pozicija republika imali su najbolje zagovornike u Bakariću i njegovim učenicima, pametnoj i obrazovanoj generaciji komunista (Tripalo, Dabčević-Kučar, Pirker). Upravo će oni postati simboli borbe protiv partijskog dogmatskog konzervativizma i staljinističkog voluntarizma. Autor daje niz elemenata za razumijevanje kako je moguće da je upravo ta generacija dinamičnih i popularnih političara, priznatih i uspješnih zastupnika socijalističke demokracije i nacionalne ravnopravnosti, tragično završila svoju političku karijeru s optužbama za koketiranje sa šovinizmom, za primjenu “neostaljinističkih” metoda protiv protivnika i kolega, te za pokušaj uspostavljanja kvazifašističke države u kojoj bi diktatorska vlast klike (bivših?) komunista i nacionalista u savezu s novom srednjom klasom menadžera i “tehnokrata” bila maskirana socijalističkom retorikom i pseudomobilizacijom masa, zavedenih nacionalizmom i lažima da su za sve probleme krivi pripadnici neke druge nacije.The text provides an overview and evaluation of the strategy and tactics of Croatian politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The analysis focuses on the historical Tenth Session of CK SKH (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia) held in 1970, which defined Croatian politics with regard to economic and social reform, as well as to centralist unitarism and Croatian nationalism. The Tenth Session was conceived and held on the initiative of Vladimir Bakarić, a great figure and a veteran of Croatian politics, who was the uncontested master of Croatia from the end of the war to 1969. With the fall of Ranković (1966), the symbol of “neo-Stalinist centralism, bureaucratism and Great-Serbian hegemonism”, one of the principal obstacles to modernization and democratization of Yugoslav communism was removed. The finest advocates of economic and political liberalization of the regime, of decentralization and of a stronger position of the republics were Bakarić and his disciples, an intelligent and well-educated generation of communists (Tripalo, Dabčević-Kučar, Pirker). They are the ones who would eventually become symbols of the struggle against the Party’s dogmatic conservatism and Stalinist voluntarism. The author puts forward a series of elements which make it possible to understand how the political career of this generation of dynamic and popular politicians, recognized and successful representatives of socialist democracy and national equality, came to a tragic end marked by accusations of flirting with chauvinism, of using “neo-Stalinist” methods against opponents and colleagues, and of attempting to establish a quasi-fascist state, in which the dictatorial rule of the clique of (former?) communists and nationalists, in alliance with the new middle class of managers and “technocrats”, would be masked by socialist rhetoric and pseudo-mobilization of the masses deluded by nationalism into believing that members of some other nation are to blame for all problems

Biogeografía, percepción local acerca de servicios ecosistémicos de los bosques de Polylepis spp. y usos que impactan su área en el distrito de Nuñoa

El estudio se realizó entre los meses de junio – diciembre del 2018, el área de investigación propuesta; está ubicado en la sierra sur, distrito de Nuñoa, Provincia de Melgar - Puno. Los objetivos planteados fueron: a) Estimar la biogeografía de los bosques ubicados en el distrito de Nuñoa. b) Evaluar la percepción de los servicios ecosistémicos en comunidades de Nuñoa a través de encuestas y reuniones focales y c) Identificar los usos e impactos de las comunidades a los bosques. Este estudio es descriptivo y análitico. Los resultados del estudio se presentan a partir del diagnóstico territorial, el cual se obtuvo de la información biofísica realizada en campo, lo cual permitió identificar las áreas de bosque, que se encuentran ubicados entre los 4000 – 4800 msnm; gran parte de los bosques están distribuidos en laderas con pendiente agrestes y presencia de rocas. Se identificó un total de 12 bosques, con un área total de 1533.17 ha, de las cuales se evaluó los bosques de: Sachapata; Caccili; Huancho y Anansaya; en la cual se determinó la estructura dasométrica de estos bosques. En la evaluación de la percepción se realizó, con 68 personas; pertenecientes a las comunidades de Chiriuno, Juan Velazco A., Orccorarapampa y Ticuyo, donde el 100% de la población no sabe que son servicios ecosistémicos. Este estudio de biogeografía de bosques de Polylepis incarum en el distrito de Nuñoa, nos muestra que aún hay Queñuales; con poca intervención humana, debido a la topografía con pendiente de 40% a 60% y presencia de rocas para todos los fragmentos de bosques, con un área total de 1533.17 ha para todo el distrito de Nuñoa. Los principales usos que afectan la estructura y distribución de los bosques son: el pastoreo con 64.75%, la recolección de leña con 87%, las actividades agrícolas con 21.2 %, y los incendios forestales con un 9%. Sin embargo, estas dos últimas actividades son las que tienen mayor impacto, para el desarrollo, estructura y regeneración de los bosques.Tesi

Approaching the socialist factory and its workforce: considerations from fieldwork in (former) Yugoslavia

The socialist factory, as the ‘incubator’ of the new socialist (wo)man, is a productive entry point for the study of socialist modernization and its contradictions. By outlining some theoretical and methodological insights gathered through field-research in factories in former Yugoslavia, we seek to connect the state of labour history in the Balkans to recent breakthroughs made by labour historians of other socialist countries. The first part of this article sketches some of the specificities of the Yugoslav self-managed factory and its heterogeneous workforce. It presents the ambiguous relationship between workers and the factory and demonstrates the variety of life trajectories for workers in Yugoslav state-socialism (from model communists to alienated workers). The second part engages with the available sources for conducting research inside and outside the factory advocating an approach which combines factory and local archives, print media and oral history