Global Capitalism Theory and the Emergence of the Transnational Elites

The class and social structure of developing nations has undergone profound transformation in recent decades as each nation has incorporated into an increasingly integrated global production and financial system. National elites have experienced a new fractionation. Emergent transnationally-oriented elites grounded in globalized circuits of accumulation compete with older nationally-oriented elites grounded in more protected and often state-guided national and regional circuits. This essay focuses on structural analysis of the distinction between these two fractions of the elite and the implications for development. I suggest that nationally-oriented elites are often dependent on the social reproduction of at least a portion of the popular and working classes for the reproduction of their own status, and therefore on local development processes however so defined whereas transnationally-oriented elites are less dependent on such local social reproduction. The shift in dominant power relations from nationally- to transnationally-oriented elites is reflected in a concomitant shift to a discourse from one that defines development as national industrialization and expanded consumption to one that defines it in terms of global market integration.Elites, development, globalization, transnational, capitalism, crisis

Global Capitalism, Immigrant Labor, and the Struggle for Justice

Around the world borders are militarized, states are stepping up repressive anti-immigrant controls, and native publics are turning immigrants into scapegoats for the spiraling crisis of global capitalism. The massive displacement and primitive accumulation unleashed by free trade agreements and neo-liberal policies, as well as state and “private” violence has resulted in a virtually inexhaustible immigrant labor reserve for the global economy. State controls over immigration and immigrant labor have several functions for the system: 1) state repression and criminalization of undocumented immigration make immigrants vulnerable and deportable and therefore subject to conditions of super-exploitation, super-control and hyper-surveillance; 2) anti-immigrant repressive apparatuses are themselves ever more important sources of accumulation, ranging from private for-profit immigrant detention centers, to the militarization of borders, and the purchase by states of military hardware and systems of surveillance. Immigrant labor is extremely profitable for the transnational corporate economy; 3) the anti-immigrant policies associated with repressive state apparatuses help turn attention away from the crisis of global capitalism among more privileged sectors of the working class and convert immigrant workers into scapegoats for the crisis, thus deflecting attention from the root causes of the crisis and undermining working class unity. This article focuses on structural and historical underpinnings of the phenomenon of immigrant labor in the new global capitalist system and on how the rise of a globally integrated production and financial system, a transnational capitalist class, and transnational state apparatuses, have led to a reorganization of the world market in labor, including deeper reliance on a rapidly expanding reserve army of immigrant labor and a vicious new anti-immigrant politics. It looks at the United States as an illustration of the larger worldwide situation with regard to immigration and immigrant justice. Finally, it explores the rise of an immigrant justice movement around the world, observes the leading role that immigrant workers often play in worker’s struggles and that a mass immigrant rights movement is at the cutting edge of the struggle against transnational corporate exploitation. We call for replacing the whole concept of national citizenship with that of global citizenship as the only rallying cry that can assure justice and equality for all

La Segunda Implosión de Centroamérica

Some three decades after the wars of revolution and counterinsurgency came to an end in Central America, the region is once again on the brink of implosion. The Isthmus has been gripped by renewed mass struggle and state repression, the cracking of fragile political systems, unprecedented corruption, drug violence, and the displacement and forced migration of millions of workers and peasants. The backdrop to this second implosion of Central America, reflecting the spiraling crisis of global capitalism itself, is the exhaustion of a new round of capitalist development in recent years to the drumbeat of globalization that took place in the wake of the 1980s upheavals. The transnational model of accumulation involved the introduction of new economic activities that integrated the region into transnational production and service chains, part of the capitalist globalization that has involved a vast expansion of mining operations, agribusiness, tourism, energy extraction and infrastructure mega-projects throughout Latin America to feed a voracious global economy and swell transnational corporate coffers. But the resumption of growth since the 1990s has been dependent on three factors that are now reaching their limits: a sharp rise in the inflow of transnational corporate investment, a steady increase in external debt, and remittances from Central Americans living abroad. Globalization and neo-liberalism has wreaked havoc on the working and popular classes, leaving them ill-equipped to survive the coming global economic downturn and local stagnation.Décadas después de la finalización de las las guerras de revolución y contrainsurgencia en Centroamerica, la región otra vez esta al borde de una implosión. El Istmo ha estado sumido en una reanudación de las luchas de masas y la represión estatal, el desmoronamiento de los frágiles sistemas políticos, la corrupción sin precedente, la violencia del narcotráfico, y el despojo y migración forzada de millones de obreros y campesinos. El telón de fondo de esta segunda implosión de Centroamérica – reflejando la crisis galopante del capitalismo global – es el agotamiento de una nueva ronda del desarrollo capitalista que se produjo a raíz de las convulsiones de los 1980 al ritmo de la globalización. El modelo transnacional de acumulación abarcó la introducción de nuevas actividades económicas que integraron la región a las cadenas transnacionales de producción y servicios, parte misma de la globalización capitalista que ha involucrado una vasta expansión de las operaciones de la minería, la agroindustria, el turismo, la extracción energética, y los mega-proyectos de infraestructura a lo largo de América Latina, alimentando una economía global voraz y desbordando las arcas de las corporaciones transnacionales. Pero la reanudación del crecimiento desde los 1990 ha dependido de tres factores que ahora están alcanzando sus limites: un fuerte incremento del flujo de la inversión corporativa transnacional, el aumento constante de la deuda externa, y las remesas enviadas por los Centroamericanos que viven en el exterior. La globalización y el neoliberalismo han hecho estragos a las clases trabajadoras y populares, dejándoles escasamente preparados para sobrevivir el la recesión económica venidera y el estancamiento local

Working Paper No. 2010/02 Global Capitalism Theory and the Emergence of Transnational Elites

Abstract The class and social structure of developing nations has undergone profound transformation in recent decades as each nation has incorporated into an increasingly integrated global production and financial system. National elites have experienced a new fractionation. Emergent transnationally-oriented elites grounded in globalized circuits of accumulation compete with older nationally-oriented elites grounded in more protected and often state-guided national and regional circuits. This essay focuses on structural analysis of the distinction between these two fractions of the elite and the implications for development. I suggest that nationally-oriented elites are often dependent on the social reproduction of at least a portion of the popular and working classes for the reproduction of their own status, and therefore on local development processes however so defined whereas transnationally-oriented elites are less dependent on such local social reproduction. The shift in dominant power relations from nationally-to transnationally-oriented elites is reflected in a concomitant shift to a discourse from one that defines development as national industrialization and expanded consumption to one that defines it in terms of global market integration

La Farsa “Anti-imperialista”

Economic globalization and the transnational integration of capitals provide a centripetal impulse to global capitalism, while political fragmentation offers a powerful centrifugal counter-impulse that is resulting in an escalation of geopolitical conflict. The chasm is widening rapidly between the economic unity of global capital and the political competition between ruling groups seeking legitimacy and preventing the internal social order of their respective nations from fracturing in the face of the growing crisis of global capitalism. States are trying to shift the burden of the crisis onto the working and popular classes, as governments resort to more repressive, authoritarian and even fascist forms of government, as well as various ideological and rhetorical devices, to contain mass unrest. Much of the left not only seems unable to conceptualize the transformation that has occurred in these last decades of capitalist globalization, but clings tenaciously to a formula that ossifies a singular American empire seconded by the Triad countries and the rest of the world as victims of this empire. In this formula, anything that appears to challenge the Sole Enemy is seen as progressive, part of a just struggle of the oppressed and deserving of support. As a result, a self-declared "anti-imperialist" left condemns capitalist exploitation and repression around the world when practiced by the United States and other Western powers or governments they support, but turns a blind eye to, or even defends, repressive, authoritarian and dictatorial states simply because these states face hostility from Washington. I will discuss here the cases of China, Nicaragua, the BRICS and multipolarity as they expose the convoluted logic and retrograde politics of the "anti-imperialist" left.La globalización económica y la integración transnacional de los capitales proporciona un impulso centrípeto al capitalismo global, en tanto la fragmentación política ofrece un poderoso contraimpulso centrífugo que está resultando en la escalada del conflicto geopolítico. El abismo se está ampliando rápidamente entre la unidad económica del capital global y la competencia política entre los grupos gobernantes que buscan legitimidad y evitar que el orden social interno de sus respectivas naciones se fracture ante la creciente crisis del capitalismo global. Los Estados intentan trasladar el peso de la crisis a las clases trabajadoras y populares, mientras estos recurren a formas de gobierno más represivas, autoritarias e incluso fascistas, así como a diversos dispositivos ideológicos y retóricos para contener el malestar masivo. Gran parte de la izquierda no solo es incapaz de conceptualizar la transformación que se ha producido en estas últimas décadas de globalización capitalista, sino que se aferra tenazmente a una fórmula que osifica a un imperio estadounidense singular secundado por los países de la Triada y al resto del mundo como víctimas de este imperio. En esta fórmula cualquier desafío al Enemigo Único es visto como progresista, parte de una lucha justa de los oprimidos y merecedora de apoyo. Así, una izquierda autodeclarada “anti-imperialista” condena la explotación capitalista y la represión en todo el mundo cuando es realizada por los Estados Unidos y otras potencias occidentales o los gobiernos que apoyan, pero hace la vista gorda, o incluso defiende, a Estados represivos, autoritarios y dictatoriales simplemente porque enfrentarían la hostilidad de Washington. Discutiré aquí los casos de China, Nicaragua, los BRICS y la multipolaridad ya que exponen la lógica enrevesada y política retrógrada de la izquierda “anti-imperialista”

Civil conflict, federalism and strategic delegation of leadership

This article analyzes negative externalities that policymakers in one region or group may impose upon the citizens of neighboring regions or groups. These externalities may be material, but they may also be psychological (in the form of envy). The latter form of externality may arise from the production of 'conspicuous' public goods. As a result, decentralized provision of conspicuous public goods may be too high. Potentially, a centralized legislature may internalize negative externalities. However, in a model with strategic delegation, we argue that the median voter in each jurisdiction may anticipate a reduction in local public goods supply and delegate to a policymaker who cares more for public goods than she does herself. This last effect mitigates the expected benefits of policy centralization. The authors' theory is then applied to the setting of civil conflict, where they discuss electoral outcomes in Northern Ireland and Yugoslavia before and after significant institutional changes that affected the degree of centralization. These case studies provide support for the authors' theoretical predictions

Long-term voluntary wheel running does not alter vascular amyloid burden but reduces neuroinflammation in the Tg-SwDI mouse model of cerebral amyloid angiopathy

Background: Cardiovascular exercise (CVE) has been shown to be protective against cognitive decline in aging and the risk for dementias, including Alzheimer’s Disease (AD). CVE has also been shown to have several beneficial effects on brain pathology and behavioral impairments in mouse models of AD; however, no studies have specifically examined the effects of CVE on cerebral amyloid angiopathy (CAA), which is the accumulation of amyloid-beta (Aβ) in the cerebral vasculature. CAA may be uniquely susceptible to beneficial effects of CVE interventions due to the location and nature of the pathology. Alternatively, CVE may exacerbate CAA pathology, due to added stress on already compromised cerebral vasculature. Methods: In the current study, we examined the effects of CVE over many months in mice, thereby modeling a lifelong commitment to CVE in humans. We assessed this voluntary CVE in Tg-SwDI mice, a transgenic mouse model of CAA that exhibits behavioral deficits, fibrillar vascular Aβ pathology, and significant perivascular neuroinflammation. Various “doses” of exercise intervention (0 h (“Sedentary”), 1 h, 3 h, 12 h access to running wheel) were assessed from ~ 4 to 12 months of age for effects on physiology, behavior/cognitive performance, and pathology. Results: The 12 h group performed the greatest volume of exercise, whereas the 1 h and 3 h groups showed high levels of exercise intensity, as defined by more frequent and longer duration running bouts. Tg-SwDI mice exhibited significant cerebral vascular Aβ pathology and increased expression of pro-inflammatory cytokines as compared to WT controls. Tg-SwDI mice did not show motor dysfunction or altered levels of anxiety or sociability compared to WT controls, though Tg-SwDI animals did appear to exhibit a reduced tendency to explore novel environments. At all running levels, CAA pathology in Tg-SwDI mice was not significantly altered, but 12-h high-volume exercise showed increased insoluble Aβ burden. However, CVE attenuated the expression of pro-inflammatory cytokines TNF-α and IL-6 and was generally effective at enhancing motor function and reducing anxiety-like behavior in Tg-SwDI mice, though alterations in learning and memory tasks were varied. Conclusions: Taken together, these results suggest that CAA can still develop regardless of a lifespan of substantial CVE, although downstream effects on neuroinflammation may be reduced and functional outcomes improved

Dualities of Latin America

Determining whether the current situation of Latin America is better described as "post-neoliberalism" or as "commodities consensus" requires an analysis of recent changes in the region. Capitalism has expanded in agriculture and mining, accentuating the preeminence of basic exports. Traditional industry is declining, and remittances and tourism have increased in importance. Local capitalists associated with foreign corporations have replaced the national bourgeoisie, while the exodus of peasants consolidates labor precariousness, poverty, and inequality. At the same time, the United States is deploying troops to reorganize its domination. The South American rebellions have limited neoliberal aggression and achieved unusual victories in other parts of the world. The concept of post-neoliberalism emphasizes the region's political turn toward autonomy but overlooks the persistence of the economic model generated during the previous phase. The opposing concept, commodities consensus, highlights the extractivism prevailing throughout the region but plays down the extreme divergences among right-wing, center-left, and radical governments in all other areas. Both concepts contain part of the truth, but neither fully explains the regional scenario.Para determinar si la situación actual de Latinoamérica es mejor descrita como “postneoliberalismo” o como un “consenso de los commodities” hay que hacer un análisis de los cambios recientes en la región. El capitalismo se ha expandido en la agricultura y la minería, acrecentando la preeminencia de las exportaciones básicas. La industria tradicional ha disminuido, y la importancia del turismo y las remesas ha aumentado. Los capitalistas locales asociados con empresas extranjeras han reemplazado a la burguesía nacional, mientras que el éxodo de los campesinos ha consolidado la precariedad laboral, la pobreza y la desigualdad. Al mismo tiempo, Estados Unidos despliega tropas para reorganizar su dominio. Las rebeliones en América del Sur han puesto barreras a la agresión neoliberal y logrado victorias inusuales en otras partes del mundo. El concepto del postneoliberalismo destaca el giro político de la región hacia la autonomía pero con una tendencia a la persistencia del modelo económico generado durante la fase anterior. El otro concepto, el consenso de las commodities, destaca el extractivismo que prevalece en toda la región pero minoriza las divergencias entre los gobiernos de derecha, centro-izquierda y radicales en todas las demás áreas. Ambos conceptos son parcialmente ciertos, pero no explican totalmente el escenario regional.Fil: Katz, Claudio Isaac. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

Semiclassical Stability of the Extreme Reissner-Nordstrom Black Hole

The stress-energy tensor of a free quantized scalar field is calculated in the extreme Reissner-Nordstr\"{o}m black hole spacetime in the zero temperature vacuum state. The stress-energy appears to be regular on the event horizon, contrary to the suggestion provided by two-dimensional calculations. An analytic calculation on the event horizon for a thermal state shows that if the temperature is nonzero then the stress-energy diverges strongly there.Comment: 10 pages, REVTeX, 4 figures in separate uuencoded compressed fil