Delimitation of Frontiers – Role of Slovenian Politicians and Diplomats

Glede na to, da je slovenski narod večji del svojega obstoja sodil med t.i. »nezgodovinske narode«, kot so v času velikih cesarstev in kolonialnih imperijev pejorativno poimenovali narode brez lastnih držav, je jasno, da je slovenska diplomatska zgodovina skromna, da jo je težko ločiti od »navadne« politike, ali če defi-niram drugače, vsaj v zgodnejših obdobjih ni prav jasno, kaj je (naj bi bila) »notranja« in kaj »zunanja« politika. Skromna diplomatska tradicija se tudi v samostojni Sloveniji izraža v le redkih in naključnih izdajah diplomatskih dokumentov, tudi tistih, ki so povezani z nastajanjem samostojne države (za prvi tiskani diplomatski dokument na slovenskih tleh sicer velja prevod lunévilske mirovne pogodbe, sklenjene 9. februarja 1801, ki zadeva Benečijo in s tem tudi beneške Slovence) 1, v odsotnosti revije ali časopisa, ki bi sistematično obravnaval diplomatska vprašanja, v tem, da zgodovine diplomacije praktično nimamo in ne nazadnje tudi v tem, da še po skoraj desetletju in pol in ob politiki, ki univerze postavlja skoraj v vsako vas, še vedno nismo uspeli ustanoviti diplomatske akademije.Obzirom na to što je slovenski narod u većem dijelu svoga postanka spadao u tzv. “nepovijesne narode” kako su u vrijeme velikih carstava i kolonijalnih imperija pogrdno nazivali narode bez vlastite države, jasno je da je slovenska diplomatska povijest skromna, da ju je teško odvojiti od “obične” politike ili ako se definira drukčije - barem u ranijem razdoblju nije zapravo jasno što je (bi bila) “unutarnja” a što vanjska politika. Skromna diplomatska tradicija se također i u samostalnoj Sloveniji iskazuje samo u rijetkim i slučajnim objavljivanjima diplomatskih dokumenata, pa i onih koji su po-vezani s nastankom samostalne države (za prvi tiskani diplomatski dokument na slo-venskom tlu doduše smatra se prijevod lunévilskoga mirovnoga ugovora, sklopljenoga 9. veljače 1801., koji se tiče Mletaka i mletačkih Slovenaca). Nemamo revije ili časopisa koji bi sustavno obrađivali diplomatska pitanja. Još uvijek nismo uspjeli osnovati diplomatsku akademiju.Irrespective of the fact that for a larger period of its emergence the Slovenian nation belonged to the so-called “non-historical nation”, a derogatory term for nations without their own State during great and colonial empires, the Slovenian diplomatic history is evidently modest and not easily separable from “common” politics. In other words, in its earlier period it was in fact difficult to make any distinction between “internal” and “external” politics at any rate. Modest diplomatic tradition is also manifested in independent Slovenia. There are merely rare and unintentional publications of diplomatic documentation, including documents about the establishment of the independent State (the translation of the Lunéville Peace Treaty, concluded on 9 February 1801, which refers to Venice and thus Venetian Slovenes is admittedly considered the first diplomatic document published in the Slovenian territory). There is a shortage of reviews or journals with systematic analyses of diplomatic issues, historical diplomacy is practically non-existent and finally, regardless of a decade and a half old policy of establishing a university in virtually any settlement, Slovenia has not established its Diplomatic Academy yet

The Tito-Stalin Split 70 Years After

The goal of the Zagreb conference “The Tito-Stalin Split: 70 Years Later”, Zagreb-Goli Otok, 28-30 June 2018, as well as of the papers presented, was to show not only the new interpretations and takes on the subject, but to present the Yugoslav 1948 as a global event, one that touched lives of so many people around the world. It had a very significant impact not only on politics, international relations, prisoners, army cooperation and army relations, ideology, but also cultural life and production, especially in Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Most of the papers presented at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb, which co-organized the whole event with colleagues from the University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, are published in this volume. A few papers were presented but the authors did not contribute the text (those were: Mark Kramer, Peter Ruggenthaler, Ondřej Vojtěchovský, Klaus Buchenau, Andreii Edemskii, Boris Stamenić, and Marie-Janine Calic). Also, one paper on China was not presented, but the text is here. We hope this volume will be an important contribution to the continuous dialogue that should be not only regional, but global. It should also be ongoing, since there is hardly an event in the history of the Cold War whose consequences were as important and as global as this one’s. (from the Preface)The book is co-published by the University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences – Department of History (Postgraduate Doctoral Studies “Modern and Contemporary Croatian History In European and World Context”) & the University of Ljubljana Faculty of Arts – Department of History, as a volume 31 in the Historia series. The goal of the Zagreb conference “The Tito-Stalin Split: 70 Years Later”, Zagreb-Goli Otok, 28-30 June 2018, as well as of the papers presented, was to show not only the new interpretations and takes on the subject, but to present the Yugoslav 1948 as a global event, one that touched lives of so many people around the world. It had a very significant impact not only on politics, international relations, prisoners, army cooperation and army relations, ideology, but also cultural life and production, especially in Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union.Most of the papers presented at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb, which co-organized the whole event with colleagues from the University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, are published in this volume. A few papers were presented but the authors did not contribute the text (those were: Mark Kramer, Peter Ruggenthaler, Ondřej Vojtěchovský, Klaus Buchenau, Andreii Edemskii, Boris Stamenić, and Marie-Janine Calic). Also, one paper on China was not presented, but the text is here. We hope this volume will be an important contribution to the continuous dialogue that should be not only regional, but global. It should also be ongoing, since there is hardly an event in the history of the Cold War whose consequences were as important and as global as this one’s. (from the Preface)The book is co-published by the University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences – Department of History (Postgraduate Doctoral Studies “Modern and Contemporary Croatian History In European and World Context”) & the University of Ljubljana Faculty of Arts – Department of History, as a volume 31 in the Historia series.&nbsp

Zgodovina, zgodovinopisje in etika

Interpretacija preteklosti je bila eden od pomembnih elementov medijske in politične vojne v Jugoslaviji v osemdesetih letih dvajsetega stoletja. Na odnosu do preteklosti so posamezni jugoslovanski narodi utemeljevali svoje nacionalizme, ki naj bi jih pripeljali do nacionalnih držav. Polemike o preteklosti so se iztekle v krvavo vojno in v razpad Jugoslavije. Jugoslovansko zgodovinopisje je bilo zgolj skupek nacionalnih historiografij, zgodovinarji so se sprli med sabo, profesionalno etiko pa v glavnem podredili nacionalnim interesom. V Evropski uniji je odnos do preteklosti podobno kompleksen, kot je bil jugoslovanski. Nekatere države zgodovino uporabljajo (zlorabljajo) za dosego svojih nacionalnih ali ideoloških ciljev.Interpreting the past was one of the important elements of the media and political war in Yugoslavia in the 1980s. Individual Yugoslav nations used the past to justify their nationalism, which it was hoped would lead to national states. Polemics about the past led to a bloody war and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Yugoslav historiography became a mere agglomeration of national historiographies, historians fought among themselves and professional ethics became largely subjugated to national interests. In the European Union the attitude to the past is similarly complex: some countries use or abuse history to achieve their national or ideological goals