21 research outputs found
Caracteristic of Toponymic Generics in New Brunswick
Le Nouveau-Brunswick possède une grande variété de terminologies toponymiques incluant jusqu'à 10 génériques pour les eaux courantes, 30 pour les eaux calmes, 12 pour les terrains plats, 18 pour les parties élevées et 11 pour les dépressions. Bien que cette variété soit impressionnante, un même terme peut décrire des types de phénomènes très différents, tel gully qui désigne à la fois une dépression et un chenal côtier étroit. 90 des 132 termes exposés dans cet article sont issus de la langue anglaise, les autres appartenant à la langue française, à l'exception de bogan, padou et mocauque, dérivés de sources amérindiennes. Un bon nombre de toponymes ne se retrouvent que dans certaines parties du territoire, tels bogan et gulch au nord de la province, et heath et thoroughfare au sud du Nouveau-Brunswick. Il y a aussi quelques divergences régionales dans la description des traits du paysage, ainsi meadow près d'Oromocto et marsh près de Sackville identifient des phénomènes identiques.New Brunswick has a large variety of toponymic terminology including ten generics for flowing water, thirty for stationary water, twelve for flat terrain, eighteen for elevated features, and eleven for terrain depressions. Although the variety is impressive certain terms describe vastly different kinds of features, such as gully for both a terrain depression and a narrow coastal water channel. The English language has been the source of ninety of the 132 terms dïscussed in this paper, with the remainder from the French language, except bogan, padou and mocauque, which have been derived from Amerindian sources. Many of the terms occur only in certain areas, such as bogan and gulch in the north part of the province, and heath and thoroughfare in southern New Brunswick. There are also some regional differences in the description of landscape phenomena, examples being meadow near Oromocto and marsh near Sackville identifying similar features
The Language Treatment of Quebec’s Place Names in English- Language Print Media: Progress between 1988-89 and 2000-01
From the 1960s through the 1990s, there was a slow but perceptual change in the treatment of Quebec’s place names in federal publications, maps, and other documents, and in the English-language print media. In the earlier years, there was extensive translation of both specifics and generics, followed by the recognition of the official specifics, while translating the generics, and finally the full acceptance of the official names at the federal level. Meanwhile, some of the commercial English-print media, both inside Quebec and outside of it, began to accept the official forms of Quebec’s place names. In 1989, three English newspapers, The Gazette of MontrĂ©al, The Ottawa Citizen, and The Globe and Mail, were evaluated as to their treatment of that province’s official names. Twelve years later each of the three newspapers were reviewed again. The Toronto Star had been examined in 1989, but was not evaluated that year, because it did not use Quebec's official names. In 2000-01, the Star was evaluated, and a rating was also assigned to the newspaper for the years 1988-89. In 2001, the Canadian Geographic was reviewed for the years 1988-90 and 1999-2001. The four newspapers and the Canadian Geographic together revealed in the earlier period that only 46% of Quebec’s official names were respected. For the later period, 84% of the names were correctly spelled and accented. The remarkable change in such a short period is due to a number of factors: the English language easily adopts foreign names; respect for local names at the global level; the creation of accents on modern typesetting equipment; and ready access to official names in gazetteers and on the Internet.Des annĂ©es 1960 aux annĂ©es 1990, on voit naĂ®tre une lente mais perceptible diffĂ©rence dans la manière dont les toponymes quĂ©bĂ©cois sont traitĂ©s dans les publications, cartes et autres documents du gouvernement fĂ©dĂ©ral ainsi que dans la presse Ă©crite de langue anglaise. Dans un premier temps, on note une traduction abondante Ă la fois des gĂ©nĂ©riques et des spĂ©cifiques, suivi de la reconnaissance des spĂ©cifiques mais avec traduction des gĂ©nĂ©riques et enfin la pleine reconnaissance des toponymes officiels au niveau fĂ©dĂ©ral. Pendant ce temps, certains mĂ©dias de la presse commerciale, tant Ă l’intĂ©rieur qu’à l’extĂ©rieur du QuĂ©bec, commencent Ă accepter la forme officielle des toponymes quĂ©bĂ©cois. En 1989, trois journaux de langue anglaise, la Gazette de MontrĂ©al, le Ottawa Citizen et le Globe and Mail ont Ă©tĂ© Ă©valuĂ©s quant Ă leur traitement des noms gĂ©ographiques de cette province. Douze ans plus tard, ces mĂŞmes journaux ont Ă©tĂ© rĂ©Ă©valuĂ©s. Le Toronto Star avait Ă©tĂ© examinĂ© en 1989 mais n’avait pas Ă©tĂ© Ă©valuĂ© parce qu’il n’utilisait pas les toponymes officiels du QuĂ©bec. En 2000-01, le Star a Ă©tĂ© Ă©valuĂ© et une cote a Ă©tĂ© assignĂ©e au journal pour les annĂ©es 1988-89. En 2001, le Canadian GĂ©ographie a Ă©tĂ© Ă©valuĂ© pour les annĂ©es 1988-90 et 1999- 2001. Ensemble, les quatre journaux et le Canadian GĂ©ographie ont rĂ©vĂ©lĂ© que dans la première pĂ©riode, seulement 46% des toponymes officiels du QuĂ©bec ont Ă©tĂ© respectĂ©s. Dans la deuxième pĂ©riode, 84% des toponymes ont Ă©tĂ© orthographiĂ©s et accentuĂ©s correctement. Ce changement apprĂ©ciable sur une si courte pĂ©riode est dĂ» Ă un certain nombre de facteurs: l’intĂ©gration aisĂ©e des noms Ă©trangers dans la langue anglaise; le respect des noms locaux sur le plan mondial; la crĂ©ation d’accents sur les appareils modernes d’imprimerie et l’accès facile aux noms gĂ©ographiques dans les rĂ©pertoires et sur Internet. 
Seeking the True Origin of the Name Orléans, Ontario
The origin of the name Orléans, an Ottawa suburban community, is uncertain. An early twentieth century record of the Geographic Board of Canada (predecessor of the Geographic Names Board of Canada) states it was named after the city in France. Postmaster Joseph Major wrote in 1905 that it was proposed in 1859 after the French birthplace of the parish priest, Father Gustave Ébrard. In undertaking research on the place names of Ontario, I found that Father Ébrard was really a native of Gap in southern France. In his 1981 study of French names in Ontario, André Lapierre investigated the various hypotheses and concluded that the evidence available favoured the French city, because it was the birthplace of the wife of first settler Luc Major. In 1995, René Leduc, longtime staff member of the names board secretariat, resident of Orléans, and an active participant in the community’s historical and genealogical organizations, consulted many in the community. Based on the observations presented, he reported that it was more likely that the name had been proposed by first postmaster Théodore Besserer after île d’Orléans, near Québec City. His grandfather lived and was buried on the island, and an uncle was a priest there when the post office was named. Leduc further stated that there was no evidence that Luc Major’s wife, the mother of the 1905 postmaster, was born in France. After investigating the lives of Luc Major, his wife, Émilie Masson, and the family history of first postmaster Théodore Besserer, I have concluded that the office was probably named by Besserer after île d’Orléans.L’origine du nom Orléans, une communauté de banlieue d’Ottawa, est incertaine. Un document du XXe siècle de la Commission de géographie du Canada (prédécesseur de la Commission de toponymie du Canada) indique que la communauté a été nommée d’après la ville française. Le maître de poste Joseph Major écrivit en 1905 que le nom avait été proposé en 1859 d’après le lieu de naissance en France du curé de la paroisse, l’abbé Gustave Ébrard. En faisant ma recherche sur les toponymes de l’Ontario, j’ai découvert que l’abbé Ébrard était en fait natif de Gap, dans le midi de la France. Dans son étude de 1981 sur la toponymie française de l’Ontario, André Lapierre a exploré les hypothèses et a conclu que la documentation disponible favorisait la ville française parce que c’était le lieu de naissance de l’épouse du premier colon, Luc Major. En 1995, René Leduc, un fonctionnaire de longue date au secrétariat de la Commission de toponymie, résident d’Orléans, et participant actif aux diverses associations historiques et généalogiques, consulta plusieurs personnes dans la communauté. Sur la foi des témoignages présentés, il rapporta qu’il était plus probable que le nom ait été proposé par le premier maître de poste, Théodore Besserer, d’après l’île d’Orléans, près de la ville de Québec. Son grand-père avait vécu sur l’île et s’y trouvait inhumé, et un oncle qui était prêtre s’y trouvait au moment où le bureau de poste a été nommé. En outre, Leduc affirma qu’il n’y avait pas de preuve que l’épouse de Luc Major, la mère du maître de poste de 1905, était née en France. Après avoir examiné les vies de Luc Major, de sa femme Emilie Masson et l’historique de la famille du premier maître de poste Théodore Besserer, j’en suis venu à la conclusion que le bureau a probablement été nommé par Besserer d’après l’île d’Orléans
Determining Consumer Perceptions of and Willingness to Pay or Appalachian Grass-fed Beef: An Experimental Economics Approach
The U.S. market for commoditized beef is a dynamic one that has, over the last 30 years, seen decreases in per capita consumption and an increased reliance on large, integrated feedlot facilities that focus on efficient weight gain and producing carcasses deemed desirable according the USDA quality grading system. Because of the problems inherent in the conventional production system and the existence of farm-to-retail price spreads that do not favor primary cow-calf producers, analyses of alternative beef production and marketing strategies that facilitate enhanced profitability and simultaneously address surging consumer demand for specialty food products are necessary. To that end, focus of the current study was on the market potential for grass-fed beef products in the Appalachian region, given that these products embody observed, experience, nutritional, and process attributes that may appeal to a large consumer base. Specifically, a variant of the Becker-DeGroot-Marschack experimental auction mechanism was employed in grocery stores in Morgantown, WV and Pittsburgh, PA in order to determine consumer preferences and willingness to pay for grass-fed steak and ground beef products. A majority of beef consumers sampled preferred the grass-fed products in both steak and ground beef experiments and were willing to pay a price premium in order to obtain them. It was concluded that consumers would respond positively to the availability of these products in the retail sector, based largely on their superior nutritional content and core observed attributes