State business: gender, sex and marriage in Tajikistan

This article examines the relation of the state to masculinity and sexuality by way of an exploration of the sexual problems of a young man and his wife in Tajikistan at the end of the Soviet era. It suggests that the regime’s inattention to this kind of issue was bound up with the importance to the state of projecting appropriate versions of masculinity. It further posits the idea that the continued refusal of the independent Tajik state to offer appropriate treatments for sexual dysfunction is consistent with the image of modernity President Rahmon wishes to present to the world. The article shows that as masculinity discursively occupies the superior gender position, with men expected to dominate, the state is itself impotent to respond when they are, in fact, unable to do so in sexual practice. However, the myth of male dominance persists to the point that it may prevent women from seeing beyond their subordination and finding mutually beneficial solutions in their familial and sexual relationships

Tajikistan: from reconciliation to post-reconciliation

Like the other former Soviet countries profiled in this edited volume, Tajikistan experienced the challenges of state-building following an independence that was thrust upon the region’s leaders in 1991. Rather than transitioning towards democracy as Kyrgyzstan did, Tajikistan, like the other states in the region, with the exception of Kyrgyzstan, has become increasingly authoritarian, with informal, factional politics remaining central to the perseverance of authoritarian rule

Identidade como fonte de conflito: Ucrânia e Rússia no pós-URSS Identity as a source of conflict: Ukraine and Russia in the post-USSR

O objetivo principal deste artigo é mostrar que o processo de interação entre Ucrânia e Rússia no pós-URSS origina a identidade social de inimigo, que é a fonte dos conflitos de interesse entre os dois países. Para sustentar o argumento, propõe-se um modelo teórico com base na importância das idéias para a constituição dos interesses e na crença de que os interesses são determinados pelas identidades. Depois, demonstra-se por que a identidade entre os dois países é de inimigo. A reação destes à expansão da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) é utilizada para ilustrar as conseqüências da inimizade. Como as identidades determinam os interesses, as relações entre Estados amigos envolvem interesses comuns, e, entre inimigos, interesses divergentes. Assim, a percepção de ameaça é compartilhada entre amigos e, entre inimigos, o amigo de um se torna o inimigo de outro. Por isso a Ucrânia coopera com a OTAN em busca de proteção, enquanto a Rússia não aceita sua expansão. A fim de evitar que os conflitos entre Ucrânia e Rússia representem uma ameaça à segurança da Europa, é necessário que a identidade construída na interação entre eles seja transformada.<br>The main argument of this paper is that the process of interaction between Ukraine and Russia generates a social identity of enmity, which is the source of the conflict of interests between the two countries. In order to defend the argument, a theoretical model is proposed based on the importance of ideas to the constitution of interests and on the belief that interests are determined by identities. The next task is to demonstrate why the identity between the two countries is one of enmity. The reaction of both countries towards NATO expansion is used to illustrate the consequences of enmity. Because identities determine interests, the relationship between friend States involves common interests and between foes divergent interests. So the perception of a threat is shared by friends while between enemies the friend of one becomes the enemy of the other. That is why Ukraine cooperates with NATO and Russia does not accept its expansion. In order to avoid that the conflicts between Ukraine and Russia become a threat to Europe's security, it's necessary to change the identity constructed in through their interaction