Survey Investigates Campus Nutrition

Helen Plocker reports on the recent nutrition drive conducted by the Home Economics Clu

Survey Investigates Campus Nutrition

Helen Plocker reports on the recent nutrition drive conducted by the Home Economics Club</p

Der Selbstmord in Basel (in den Jahren 1905-1919) /

Referent: SchönbergDiss. med. Fak. Univ. Basel, 192

EFFECTS OF TISSUE FLOSSING ON UPPER EXTREMITY RANGE OF MOTION AND POWER

D. Plocker, B. Wahlquist, & B. Dittrich Bethel University, St. Paul, MN Purpose: Sports performance practitioners often utilize new modalities and ergogenic aids that are marketed without scientific research. A recent modality involves tissue compression and active movement to assist in increasing athletic performance by wrapping a compressive band around a joint to increase functional range of motion (ROM). Limited research has been conducted to support this ergogenic aid. The purpose of this study is to examine the effectiveness of tissue flossing using Rogue Fitness’s Voodoo Mobility Floss bands (MFB) in increasing upper extremity power (UEP) and (ROM). Methods: 17 male athletes (x̅ age=20.7 years, SD=18-22 years, x̅ ht=183.30cm SD=6.11cm, x̅ wt 97.68kg SD=10.65kg) were recruited as participants. Subjects attended a treatment session involving the use of MFB, and a control session without the use of MFB. During the treatment session, the researchers wrapped the right and left shoulders with MFB, and led subjects through shoulder prehabilitation exercises. Upon band removal, ROM measurements were taken using a goniometer. A 3D accelerometer (Myotest, Switzerland) was then used to measure UEP during the bench press. The control session involved the same shoulder prehabilitation exercises without the use of the MFB modality. Results: The mean ROM was greater for both internal rotation (IR) and external rotation (ER) for the treatment session (IR=2.35±11.33 SD; ER=1.7±8.29 SD). However, there was no significant increase in ROM or UEP as a result of the modality (IRWO-IR p=0.405, ERWO-ER p=0.409, WOM-M p=0.076). Conclusion: Data indicated that subjects’ ROM and UEP was not significantly improved following the use of MFB. The suggested manufacturer’s wrapping technique does not effectively cover all muscle groups (rotator cuff complex) involved in IR and ER, potentially limiting the effectiveness of MFB to increase ROM. Further use of tissue compression should incorporate the full joint complex to completely assess the efficacy in ROM. NACSM Professional Sponsor: Seth Paradi

"Zionists to Dayan": The anti-Zionist campaign in Poland, 1967-1968

In March 1968 tens of thousands of students across Poland left their classrooms to protest against the communist regime. The Polish United Workers' Party (Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza, or PUWP), which had been in power for two decades, responded by publicly accusing the student leadership, which included many 'Polish citizens of Jewish descent,' of serving a Zionist conspiracy aimed at destroying the country. These allegations amounted to a sequel to official condemnations that had rained down on Polish Jews months earlier for supporting Israel during and after the Six-Day War. An anti-Zionist media campaign and purge of Polish Jews continued until late in the summer. In a year the Polish communist regime crushed by force the reform movement that sought 'socialism with a human face' and drove out of Poland about fifteen thousand Jews.This is the first English-language study of the campaign and the first to put the anti-Jewish character of the campaign at its center. Based on PUWP and Security Services archival documents, my thesis reconstructs the worldview of those who orchestrated the anti-Zionist campaign, showing how preconceptions about the role of Jews in the communist state conditioned the regime's reactions to the student demonstrations. Unlike most published studies, which portray the anti-Zionist campaign as a cynical tool used by the Party to mobilize the Polish street against would-be reformers of communism, I demonstrate that a deeply rooted belief in a Jewish conspiracy set the tone for the regime's reaction to student unrest. Powerful elements in the PUWP were worried that the small Jewish minority living in Poland would succeed in manipulating the reformist student movement to such an extent that it would not only overthrow the communist regime but turn Poland into a state ruled by Zionists and serving Jewish nationalist interests.Since the mid-1960s, high-ranking officials in the Ministry of Internal Affairs wrote reports describing Polish Jews as a subversive minority, working in the interests of world Zionism. In 1967, when the Six-Day war broke out, the First Secretary of the PUWP Wladyslaw Gomulka went in front of the Polish nation and called Polish Jews a "fifth column." The First Secretary's words launched the first wave of the anti-Zionist campaign. Ministry of Internal Affairs and party officials sought out and purged Polish Jews working for party and state administration. The press printed articles condemning the conduct of Polish Jews. When student protests erupted in March 1968, the Ministry of Internal Affairs blamed the Jews again. The PUWP leadership saw the anti-Zionist campaign as defending the Polish Socialist homeland against its enemies.As the campaign unfolded, something unexpected and unacceptable to the regime happened: a public discussion about the role of Jews in imposing communism on Poland began. The regime had awakened the demons of the Zydo-komuna, the Jewish-Communist nexus that had allegedly fostered communism in Poland. Several openly anti-Semitic articles arrived at the censorate for review; the authors blamed Jews for selling Poland to Stalin and insinuated that the communist government was essentially Jewish, illegitimate, and alien to Poland. The reappearance of a rightwing anti-communist and anti-Semitic discourse struck fear in the hearts of the leaders of the PUWP, who quickly smothered the anti-Zionist campaign.The few Jews who had chosen to stay in Poland after Stalinism and who participated in the March protests were trusted and devoted members of the socialist elite. For most of them, the termination of the anti-Zionist campaign meant little. Hundreds had already been dismissed from their jobs and expelled from the party, among them government ministers, vice ministers, and heads of departments as well as leading intellectuals and university professors. After March 1968, beaten and arrested, persecuted and discriminated against, they realized that Jews---even fully assimilated Polish citizens of Jewish descent---could never fulfill their dream of fully belonging to the Polish socialist nation.Thesis (Ph.D.)--Stanford University, 2009.School code: 0212

Panel 12 - Outlawing the Truth: Memory Laws and State Violence in the United States, Poland, and Israel/Palestine

The panel will explore three recent attempts of states to regulate public memory of state violence through law. Dr. Barry Trachtenberg will focus on the definition of antisemitism formulated by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) in 2016. Dr. Trachtenberg will examine laws and legal or quasi-legal measures in the US that adopt it in order to suppress and silence criticism of Israeli policies and violence against Palestinians, presenting such criticism as acts of antisemitism. This act of denial, which stems from a major institute of global Holocaust memory, absurdly turns victims into aggressors and goes hand in hand with the Nakba Law in Israel (2011), which Dr. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian will discuss. The Nakba Law criminalizes the marking of Israel’s day of independence as a day of mourning in memory of the Palestinian Nakba: the mass deportations of more than 700,000 Palestinians and the destruction of hundreds of Palestinians villages, neighborhoods, and cities by Israeli forces during the 1948 war. Dr. Shalhoub-Kevorkian argues that the Nakba Law figures within the larger project of the Israeli state to deny and erase Palestinian history, existence, and the future of Palestinians in their homeland. This memory law in Israel figures within a broader context of recent attempts by state authorities to surveil and shape through laws research, commemoration, and education about the past. Dr. Anat Plocker will deal in her paper with this project in Poland today, where a law from 1998 was amended in 2018 to create what is known as Poland’s Holocaust Law. The law claims that the vast majority of Poles took no part in the persecution and destruction of Jews and Jewish communities in German-occupied Poland during World War II, and anyone in Poland who publicly argues otherwise—including scholars—could be subject to a civil lawsuit. Dr. Plocker traces the roots of the memory law in Poland today to the state’s communist political discourse in the late 1960s about the Holocaust and World War II, illuminating how the goal of protecting the Polish nation and state has crossed, in the last fifty years, ideological and political divides that once seemed impenetrable. The new memory regimes in the United States, Poland, and Israel/Palestine (and elsewhere) have emerged in the era of global Holocaust memory, exposing a cruel irony at its heart. For if the Holocaust could teach us anything, it is that vulnerable groups should be protected from persecuting and violent state authorities that render them foreign and dangerous. Yet this memory culture and these memory regimes aim to protect the state, even when, as in the case of Israel, its documented assault on a group, Palestinians, escalates and intensifies. The panel, then, also aims to shed light on this truth